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«Війна знаходиться від Польщі на відстані однієї велоподорожі», — польський волонтер Кацпер Шєніцький
Кацпер проїхав від Варшави до Києва, аби зібрати кошти на реабілітацію захисників України, які повернулися з російського полону. Це не лише жест солідарності, а й особиста історія — його друг пережив рік неволі. Кацпер, який є співзасновником колективу Stus, подолав 850 км за 6 днів, ще стільки ж чекають на нього дорогою назад. Зараз він у Києві й звідти розповідає Sestry українською (!) про свої дорожні пригоди
Кацпер Шєніцький у Києві на Майдані Незалежності, жовтень 2024. Фото з приватного архіву
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«Мій друг був у полоні. Його звільнили минулоріч»
— Час від часу я їжджу до України, але зазвичай потягом, автобусом чи автівкою, — розповідає Кацпер Шєніцький. — Цього разу захотілося зробити дорогою щось корисне. Мене надихнула історія естонського депутата Крісто Енн Ваґа, який подолав 1700 кілометрів на велосипеді з Таллінна до Києва, щоб допомогти ЗСУ. Він сказав: «Війна знаходиться від Естонії за одну велоподорож». Ця фраза сильно вплинула на мене. І я вирішив теж поїхати — тільки від Варшави.
Фізично я не готувався, адже у мене є досвід їзди на велосипеді на великі дистанції. У 2013 році ми з батьком їздили 800 км узбережжям Балтійського моря у Польщі. Для мене не проблема проїхати понад 100 км за день.
Хочу привернути увагу до теми українських військових, які знаходяться в полоні. Знаю, що в Україні ця тема — чутлива та важлива. Але поза Україною, на жаль, вона нешироко висвітлюється. Разом з тим для мене тема полонених має особисте значення. Мій друг був у полоні. Його звільнили минулоріч. Те, що він мені розповідав, жахливо: голод, катування, знущання... Я бачив світлини його поранень — ніхто не має такого переживати. Зараз він проходить реабілітацію, потроху повертається до соціального життя, працює в Силах оборони. Саме тому ми з командою Stus Collective вирішили організувати кампанію з метою збору коштів для реабілітації людей, які повернулися з неволі. І моя велоподорож — спосіб привернути увагу до цього збору. Ще до мого виїзду ми організували у Варшаві вечірку для підтримки збору, а потім робили також велозаїзд Варшавою.
Під час подорожі в центрі Києва
Ми з друзями ще на початку повномасштабного вторгнення вирішили, що будемо допомагати українцям. Телефонували на різні склади, шукали допомогу біженцям і військовим. Я написав листа голові Обласної військової організації. Після чого вже 26 лютого 2022 року ми відправили наш перший вантаж.
А потім я познайомився з відомим волонтером Олексієм Руденко. І разом з ним ми організовували відправлення для українських військових різних вантажів за маршрутом Вільнюс-Варшава-Львів. За перші пів року великої війни, коли я займався виключно волонтерством, ми передали в Україну щонайменше 20 одиниць транспорту різного типу і з різним обладнанням.
Одночасно з цим ми почали влаштовувати різні культурні заходи, спрямовані на інтеграцію українських біженців у Польщі. Робили благодійні виставки, рейви, перформанси, акції протесту біля російського посольства тощо.
Тобто працювали у двох напрямах: відправка вантажів для військових і організація різноманітних подій для українців. Усі мої думки були довкола цих справ. Зрештою заснували організацію, яка називається Stus Collective — тобто «Колектив СТУСа».
Під Києвом
«Через кордон мене перевезли дві українки, вражені моєю історією»
— Я їхав, зупиняючись тільки для відпочинку. І зустрічав дорогою добрих людей.
Наприклад, першої ночі зупинився у кемпінгу, де заздалегідь забронював собі місце. Дорогою зателефонував і кажу, що буду за 3-4 години, бо їду велосипедом. Мене чекали. Зустріли. Стали розпитувати, хто я, звідки і куди їду. І коли я розповів, мене запросили за стіл, пригостили теплою їжею. Дуже підтримали мене та мою ініціативу. Задонатили на наш збір. Навіть більше — не взяли з мене оплату за ночівлю. Я переночував безкоштовно і навіть не у наметі, а в кращих умовах.
Ще один випадок стався вже на кордоні. Я поїхав до пункту пропуску, де можна перетнути кордон тільки автівкою. Взагалі єдиний пункт, який можна пройти з велосипедом, це Медика-Шегині, але він мені не по дорозі. І мені пощастило: мене взяли до себе в машину дві дівчини з Луцька. Вони їхали з Варшавського форуму. І коли вони почули, що я роблю і чому, були вражені. Ми обмінялися контактами. У Луцьку вони знайшли мені місце для ночівлі, оплатили його, а наступного дня перед моїм виїздом одна з цих дівчат привезла мені в дорогу їжі. Гречку, солодощі. Це було дуже приємно.
«Я хотів би, щоб відносини між поляками й українцями стали непохитно кращими. Нас набагато більше єднає, ніж розʼєднує»
В Україні до цього я був разів 30. Після повномасштабного вторгнення також. Україна сильно змінилася. Відчувається, що країна у війні: всюди металеві «їжаки», оборонні споруди на під'їздах до міст, блокпости, багато людей у військовій формі на вулиці. І люди — вони теж змінилися. З одного боку, пристосовуються до війни. З іншого, сильно втомилися. Але все одно допомагають одне одному.
А як тепло мене зустріли в Києві! Я не очікував. Мої друзі, ЗМІ, військові, які повернулися з полону, представники київських велосипедних спільнот. Було дуже зворушливо. Я не думав, що мій вчинок може на когось так вплинути. Здавалося, я нічого особливого не роблю. Але все одно дуже приємно. А найбільша приємність — результат.
За час моєї велоподорожі нам вдалося зібрати близько 10 тисяч злотих. Це понад 100 тисяч гривень. Збір ще не закрили, він продовжується
— Ця подорож допомогла мені усвідомити, що всі ми можемо більше, ніж думаємо. Кожен з нас. Увесь наш колектив зробив велику роботу (адже те, що нам вдалося зібрати таку суму — не тільки моя заслуга). Щасливий, що мені вдалося зробити щось корисне для України й нагадати іншим, що ми маємо продовжувати її підтримувати.
Хочу тепер повторити свою подорож, але вже звільненими українськими містами: Донецьком, Бердянськом, Луганськом, Мелітополем і аж до Криму. Така в мене тепер мрія.
A journalist, writer, videographer, content creator and podcast author. She has participated in social projects aimed at raising awareness about domestic violence. She has led her own social initiatives, ranging from entertainment projects to a documentary film about an inclusive theatre, which she independently authored and edited. At «Hromadske Radio», she created podcasts, photo reports and video stories. Since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, she has begun collaborating with international publications, attending conferences and meetings across Europe to share insights about the war in Ukraine and journalism during these challenging times.
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Volodymyr Nikulin is a policeman from the Main Department of the National Police in the Donetsk region and one of the main figures in the Oscar-winning documentary film «20 Days in Mariupol». He is the very person who enabled Mstyslav Chernov, Evgeniy Maloletka and Vasylysa Stepanenko’s team to escape from Mariupol and transport photo and video evidence of numerous Russian crimes - crossing about 15 checkpoints. In an interview with Sestry, Volodymyr talked about the tricks he used during the evacuation, his collaboration with renowned journalists, and how a packet of biscuits taught him that in life, everything returns: both good and evil.
«It was a blow to me how many of those I knew became traitors»
- I ended up in Mariupol after Donetsk, my home, was captured, - says Volodymyr Nikulin. - I have worked in law enforcement for over 30 years. I worked at the Donetsk Regional Police in 2014 during the epochal events. We were defending the Regional State Administration when there were attempts to seize it. I stayed in Donetsk even when it was almost captured. But in the summer of 2014, my family and I left our home. At that time, it was the only way to continue serving, which is very important to me.
It was especially difficult for me to accept that not all Ukrainian policemen left occupied Donetsk - not all remained loyal to their oath. I knew many of them personally, we served together. And they deliberately chose to become traitors.
Those who stayed in Donetsk switched to the enemy’s side. And those who did not betray ended up in Mariupol.
It is hard to talk about my home in Donetsk. I hope it is still standing. I have already left three homes: in Donetsk, Mariupol, and Myrnohrad. When we left Donetsk, I took nothing with me. I remember my summer mesh shoes, a uniform shirt with short sleeves. I did not even take trousers - I looked for a uniform at the place. But I had loyal comrades and a sense of freedom. Something that was no longer in Donetsk.
Volodymyr Nikulin
In Mariupol, we worked with a reduced team. Out of 120 employees of the regional police department, only 12 remained. When the police force was established, I, as a policeman, went through all the stages of lustration and re-certification. I often travelled to Avdiivka. I was amazed at how people lived there - under shellings. But they lived because there were still the state and freedom. Children played on the playgrounds, shops were open.
My comrade, after being wounded on the frontline, even bought a flat in Avdiivka. That is how much people loved their land and believed in victory
- Did you prepare for the full-scale war?
- In 2021, when we already had information from foreign intelligence that Russia was preparing, we also began our preparations. This helped us a great deal. In 2014, we lost a lot because we were unprepared and could not react quickly. In Mariupol, we did not allow that to happen again. For instance, the Russians did not get hold of any documents or cases when they occupied Mariupol. Nor did they seize any weapons. We had removed everything before the full-scale invasion began. There were also far fewer traitors than in Donetsk. We managed to maintain order as much as possible under such circumstances.
For us, Donetsk policemen, the war did not start in 2022 but in 2014. So, when I was woken at 5 AM on February 24th by my supervisor’s words, «combat alert», I understood everything immediately. It was painful to realise that the entire country was under attack.
«Every morning I prayed: just let the shells miss the building where my family is»
- What do you remember most about the first 20 days in Mariupol?
- I will never forget those days. Later, I will come to terms with them, or perhaps reassess them. But for now, I am still in the midst of the events. Do you hear? We are talking, but at the same time, there are explosions in the background. I am thinking about what to do and where to go after the shelling in Kramatorsk ends. There is no time to think about anything else. But I remember every day and every person who was with me.
The start of the large-scale war stands out in my memory as a creeping feeling of catastrophe. I could feel it in every cell of my body. Then I saw how the city began to be destroyed. The Russians were attacking Mariupol from all sides. We knew they desperately wanted it, but we resisted to avoid repeating Donetsk’s fate.
My wife and daughter decided to stay in Mariupol. My wife said: «I do not want it to be like in Donetsk. I do not want to flee anymore. I want to stay in my own home».
And every morning I would go to work, look at the building where my family remained, and fear that it was the last time I would see it intact
That was the most terrifying thing. Whenever there was shelling and explosions (and they were constant), I would think: «Please, just let it not hit the building where my family is».
As a policeman, I had a lot of work to do. First, I evacuated the documents. Then we gathered weapons, prepared materials for fortifications. And when the assault began, we helped people. The police stayed in the city until the very end. We delivered humanitarian aid, diapers, and found shelter for people. We connected people with doctors. At one point, we were already surrounded in the hospital. Before that, I had brought cookies to this hospital - round ones with fruit filling. And when we were hiding in the basement, the doctors brought us those very same cookies. That is how they came back to me.
Humanitarian aid. Cookies. Mariupol in early March 2022
- Do you regret staying in Mariupol for so long?
- Actually, I regret leaving. I really did not want to repeat the experience of my native Donetsk. Many people remained in Mariupol. They needed help. Mariupol was surrounded, bombed, and attacked. They did not give the locals a chance to leave the city. Everyone in Mariupol was then living on the edge - between life and death. Bombs from planes, missiles, artillery. Houses were burning down. The Russians deliberately destroyed everything to break the resistance.
They even hit the State Emergency Service (SES) headquarters so that rescuers could not help people. People died horrible deaths. For example, they hid in the basement of a building that was hit by shells, and they were buried under rubble. They could not get out. And there was no one to help - the SES was no longer operational. Doctors, under fire, were pulling people out. Heroes. And there are countless such stories. The number of victims was in the tens and hundreds of thousands. Civilians, children... Buried under rubble in basements. Later, the Russians did not bury the dead but simply took them somewhere.
We cannot even imagine what we will face when we liberate Mariupol…
«We looked at each other and understood - from now on, we would stick together»
- Do you remember how you met Mstyslav Chernov, Evgeniy Maloletka, and Vasylysa Stepanenko?
- We met during horrific events - when the Russians bombed the maternity hospital (March 9th 2022).
A pregnant woman is being carried out from the bombed maternity hospital in Mariupol. Photo: Evgeniy Maloletka/AP Photo
- I was impressed by this team. Mariupol was almost destroyed, and only the locals remained in the city. Then, I saw people with the word "Press" on their vests. They were wearing helmets and bulletproof vests. At first, I thought they were foreign journalists. To be honest, I was genuinely glad to see them. It was a somewhat selfish joy, but I am not ashamed because it gave me hope that what was happening to our city might become known to the world. The Russians are skilled at lying, and I was worried that they would conceal their crimes once again.
At first, I met Mstyslav. He said he was from Kharkiv. I asked: «How did you get here? Do you need any help?» He did not answer. We just looked at each other - and I understood that I would help them. Because it was necessary. Not just for them, but for me too. From that moment on, we were together.
The way they worked impressed me. Professional, precise, fearless. One of the most important tasks was sending the recorded materials. It was almost impossible under those conditions. Firstly, they had already become enemies in the eyes of the Russians. Secondly, there were very few places in the city with internet access. At first, we went to the city centre, where there was a Kyivstar base station. In the film, there are scenes of us arriving there, sitting under concrete stairs, while the Russians were bombing, and Mstyslav was sending the footage from his phone. When that location stopped working, we started going to the National Guard and Marine Corps command post, where there was a satellite network. It was a strategic site - policemen in uniform with guns. When we arrived to send the materials, everyone disconnected from the Wi-Fi at my request. They did not even ask questions. Everyone understood the importance of the information, which later influenced many around the world. In part, it contributed to the military aid we received.
«I did not know whether my smashed car would make it anywhere. But I started the engine - and we set off»
- We fought back as best we could. We celebrated every metre we reclaimed. When we managed to retake even one building, it felt like we had liberated the whole city.
On one side of the city, the Russians launched an attack on Mariupol from a hospital. I remember a sniper shot the head nurse in the neck. On the other side of the city, there was a tank assault. In one of the scenes in the film, a Russian tank hides behind a church. Then it came out and started shooting at buildings where people were sheltering.
A tank firing on civilians while hiding behind a church - that is Russia
I remember the eyes of the people who were hiding with us in the hospital. Among them were many elderly people and women, and they looked at us with pleading eyes, asking us to do something to stop them from being killed. I told everyone to stay away from the windows. I knew that if we tried to resist, we would all be shot. The Ukrainian Armed Forces special unit led us out of the encirclement. They saved us.
- When and how did you realise it was time to leave Mariupol?
- Events were unfolding rapidly. The Russians were not creating humanitarian corridors for Mariupol’s residents. On March 14th, people started trying to escape on their own. Security experts advised the journalists - Mstyslav, Evgeniy, and Vasylysa - to leave immediately. They began searching for ways out. I was not planning to leave Mariupol, but by then, we had become one team. Moreover, their first attempt to leave had failed. I felt that I had to stay with them until the end. So, I told them I would drive them out. And my family too.
Volodymyr’s car, in which the team left Mariupol, 2022
Evgeniy Maloletka’s car, which the team drove into Mariupol on 24 February, was destroyed. My car had been smashed by «Grad» rockets, and none of the windows were intact. But it still moved. I did not know where it would take us. But I started the engine - and we set off. Now, part of my car is in a museum of journalism in Germany.
We took almost nothing with us. Just a small suitcase for my daughter and wife.
My packed things had been sitting in my flat since 2014 - I had never unpacked them
«My tricks worked because the soldiers at the checkpoints were inexperienced»
- We were travelling without knowing the way. I realised that it was not worth taking the main road. I had worked in criminal investigation, so I knew a few things. We headed towards the coast. But before that, we had to avoid the queue of cars in which others were leaving. There were long columns of vehicles waiting to exit. I knew we had to break through before sunset - only then did we have a chance to get the photos and videos out. So, I decided to shock people and suggested the following.
Mstyslav and Evgeniy, wearing helmets and bulletproof vests marked with Press, were running in front of our car. People saw journalists running, were shocked, did not know what was happening, and made way for us. Then Evgeniy sat on the car’s hood. This was also a way of attracting attention, and people let us through. That is how we made our way through the city. It was a huge risk. But the plan worked.
On the way, we passed through many checkpoints. If the Russians had checked even one of our bags, we would have been captured immediately. We had to ensure they did not search us. So, I acted like a detective. I distracted them. For example, at every checkpoint, I pulled out a pack of Marlboro cigarettes. Right in front of the occupiers, I would light up. This caught their attention. Then I would offer them cigarettes. They got distracted and let us through. This was just a small part of how I handled them. But it worked because the soldiers at the checkpoints were inexperienced. They were easier to deceive. It is frightening to think what could have happened if we had been stopped.
I remember a moment when we were driving in the evening without any lights, crossing the frontline. We turned off the headlights. At any moment, the column of vehicles we were moving with could have been shot at. That is how we passed through Polohy. Later, we reached another checkpoint where we were illuminated by a torch. And then I saw a soldier in a Ukrainian uniform. I got out of the car, approached him, and… hugged him. And he hugged me back. Without a word.
After that, we were stopped by the police, who checked our documents and the car. I was so full of adrenaline that I did not understand anything, but I felt a bit of relief. It is truly a miracle that we managed to escape.
- Do you dream of Mariupol?
- Not yet. I think the brain suppresses memories. Dreams happen when there is time for reflection. And I continue to serve in the Donetsk region. Wherever I am, I will continue to do so. Because this is my land…
Photos and videos from the hero’s private archive.
Poland has submitted a film about Ukrainians, featuring Ukrainian actors, for the Oscars. The drama «Under the Volcano» by Polish director Damian Kocur explores the transformation of a family from tourists to refugees, due to the full-scale invasion. In this film, which premiered in September at the Toronto International Film Festival, Roman Lutskyi, a well-known actor for Polish audiences, starred. He is known for notable theatrical performances, such as «Hamlet» and «Forefathers' Eve (Dziady)» by Maja Kleczewska. Globally, he gained recognition through his lead role in «Reflection», the first Ukrainian film showcased at the Venice Film Festival. Lutskyi has walked the red carpet at this festival twice, and now, he has an Oscar submission.
Scene from the film «Under the Volcano»
«This is my third film about war without combat scenes»
- Damian Kocur once said that we Ukrainians live under a volcano that could erupt at any moment, - said Roman Lutskyi to Sestry. - Under the volcano refers to a neighbouring country, armed to the teeth. In 2014, this «volcano» awakened, and in 2022, it indeed erupted…
- Since «Reflection», you have become a serious dramatic actor. Sometimes, I do not recognise where that cheerful Oleshko Popovich from «The Stronghold» has gone. Your gaze especially has changed. You have also done a drama, «Honeymoon», about a couple's life under occupation, followed by «Under the Volcano» - and everywhere there is war.
- If you have noticed, «Under the Volcano» is already my third war film without combat scenes. People understand what war is like on the front line. But the war within Ukrainian families - Europeans do not see that.
With the onset of the great war, every family had to choose - to stay or to leave. This choice gave birth to numerous conflicts. Even in my family, we argued, deciding what to do next. War provokes micro-wars - within small family universes. It is not just about the combat scenes shown on television.
- And it is precisely about such a war that you tell in each of your films. You are not running on screen with a gun, but you reveal to the world the internal drama Ukrainians go through.
- Yes, this is not action, it is subtler, and that is interesting for me as an actor.
«The red carpets of Venice - a result of my selectivity as an actor». Photo by Vira Blanch
«The director did not want to cast me because of my… «actorly» beard»
- Tell us, how did you end up in the film «Under the Volcano» and why director Damian Kocur chose you for the leading male role?
- Oh, it was quite a story. Kocur, a Polish director, is not very familiar with the Ukrainian acting market, so he asked the casting director to gather a list of Ukrainian actors for him. I was on the list, but the director initially dismissed me. As I later learned, Damian said that Roman Lutskyi was too handsome, with that overly actorly beard, and he wanted regular, ordinary people.
I was unaware of this until a friend asked me to help her record a self-tape, also for Kocur - just to stand behind the camera and argue with her on screen, and we did it. Damian saw the footage and asked who was that person behind the camera arguing so convincingly - saying he wanted the guy behind the camera. I was invited for an interview, and based on that, I was cast in one of the main roles.
- Why did Poland choose to submit the film «Under the Volcano» for the Oscars? It is not about Poles, it is about Ukrainians, and Ukrainians perform in it.
- Perhaps they saw that this particular film is competitive on the international stage and could resonate more strongly than local stories in the context of current events.
It also advocates for Ukraine. We often hear that people are tired of Ukrainians and their war, but it turns out that not everyone feels that way. The world needs to be constantly reminded of this war, and we are grateful to Poland for doing that.
There is only one question: whom should Ukrainians root for at the Oscars now - the Ukrainian film «La Palisade» or the Polish «Under the Volcano»?
In general, this film is for export. We have lived through all of this and understand very well who the enemy is. Meanwhile, the world has not fully grasped the danger of this war. Some still doubt, trying to advocate for the enemy. It is a dangerous game - to wait and not take notice, thinking that Ukraine will protect everyone. The volcano’s effects could be felt by all.
Scene from the film «Under the Volcano»
- Your first film about war was «Reflection», before that, you had not acted in such films. Director Valentyn Vasyanovych plunged you into the horrors of war at its very beginning - in 2014. Captivity, torture, PTSD... How difficult was it to act in such a film?
- As an actor, it was an intriguing challenge. It was crucial that Valentyn Vasyanovych, a deep-thinking director, made this film. The subjects of Ukrainian captivity and PTSD are weighty, and it was important to depict them correctly without exaggeration.
Viewers may have felt uncomfortable watching this film, but we know that the tortures shown in the film are experiences that Ukrainians endure in real life. Since 2014, the «Isolation» prison in the DPR territory has been a terrifying place where our people have been tortured in various ways. The worst part was that the captives did not know if they would ever be released.
I played a military surgeon who ended up in this prison. Immersed in the filming process, I lived alone in an apartment and hardly went out. At that time, I watched many videos on the subject and read numerous books. I tried to come close to that heavy and unpleasant state and to remain in it. To avoid «jumping» into it only when in front of the camera and then coming out after the director called «cut».
Scene from the film «Reflection»
- Great actors, before playing a role, observe people similar to the characters they will portray. How do you prepare for roles - for instance, when playing a person with PTSD after captivity?
- I spoke at length with psychiatrists and with nurses in rehabilitation clinics.
Doctors told me how people walk after captivity - not straight, but curling up into a sort of «question mark», barely lifting their eyes from the ground
I used this technical detail about a captive’s physiology.
The film’s consultant, Stanislav Aseyev - a journalist and author of the book «The Bright Path. The Story of One Concentration Camp» - told me many things. He was a prisoner in the DPR’s «Isolation» concentration camp for 28 months and described in his book the horrors inflicted on captives there. For example, Aseyev explained in detail what a person feels when subjected to electric shock - I reproduced this in the scene where my character is tortured in this way. He described how the current passes through, which muscles contract, and whether it is possible to scream when the current goes from the ear to the hand, causing spasms in the vocal cords.
Scene from the film «Reflection»
- These are very frightening things, but Vasyanovych managed to turn this material into a work of art.
- Yes, everything in Valentyn’s work is very meticulous, dry and without excessive drama. If you noticed, there is no music in «Reflection» because it would only intensify an already terrifying picture.
- You attended the screening of «Reflection» in Venice. How did the European audience respond to the film?
- After the screening, there was prolonged applause. People said that we managed to convey the filth of war through artistic means. This story moved viewers, many people cried. I would add that this film should be watched on a big screen because viewing it on a phone or even a computer does not convey the full range of emotions.
«I learnt Polish from TV by ear»
- Whom would you refuse to portray in films today? Perhaps an evil muscovite?
- Listen, but who should play Muscovites? Should we invite actual Muscovites or what? Many Ukrainian actors are fluent in Russian.
This is a reality because we are a post-colonial country. Just as Lebanese people speak French fluently, or Indians speak English. One actor or another will play a Muscovite. We do not always play likeable characters, that is our lot as actors.
Personally, I do not refuse roles, but I do refuse certain material. If it is superficial or vulgar, flat, and uninteresting, then definitely no. But if the material is deep and relevant, then I would take it on, even if I had to play a villain. The structure of dialogues also matters to me.
- So you would play the role?
- No, because I do not speak Russian. I can talk, but I would have an accent, like representatives of Caucasian ethnic groups.
- Judging by your career, there seems to be a mutual affection between you and Poland. It all started with «Hamlet» in Poznan (2019), where you were invited for the lead role by the iconic Polish director Maja Kleczewska. How did this happen?
- Maja has been following Ukraine since 2013. Initially, she was concerned that our young people were dying on the Maidan, and then in the ATO. When she decided to stage her «Hamlet» at the Polish Theatre in Poznan, she thought it would be interesting if the main character returned not to Danish Elsinore from Wittenberg, but to Poland from Ukraine.
She searched a long time for the lead actor. I missed the initial audition dates, so I simply wrote to the director afterwards, and she arranged a meeting in Warsaw. After the premiere, Maja told me that I was the only one who gave her a satisfactory answer to the question of who Hamlet was.
I told her then that I understood Hamlet - he came to reclaim power because it was unjustly taken, and that is that. It is human, and there is no need to make a philosopher out of him
I also said that we should remember that in Shakespeare’s time, people came to watch this play because it was action-packed - there are so many corpses in the end. So there is no need to seek superhuman qualities or lofty ideals in Hamlet. Certainly, he is of a delicate soul, but above all, he is a human being. Maja and I discussed this for about four hours, she understood my stance on the character. And I was cast in the role.
In the role of Hamlet
- And, judging by the success of Kleczewska’s «Hamlet», Poles accepted you?
- I had long wanted to enter the Polish acting market. Especially since I know Polish - though not intentionally, I learnt it as a child. I can almost perfectly understand it by ear and communicate fairly well.
- How did you learn Polish?
- When I was in the sixth grade, the only TV channels we had in our village were UT-1 and UT-2. In some towns, people could watch other channels, but we only had these, broadcasting from morning till night about how much grain Ukraine had harvested. My father bought a satellite dish from abroad, and I started watching Polish TV - specifically, the channels Polsat and Polsat-2, which featured comedy series like «13 posterunek», «The Kiepski World» («Świat według Kiepskich»), and various sitcoms… It was all so colourful, with interesting storylines.
I became hooked on Polish television and learnt Polish by listening. Later, while working in theatre, I began reading books in Polish and occasionally speaking with native speakers. Right before «Hamlet», the theatre hired me a pronunciation tutor.
- After «Hamlet», Maja Kleczewska staged a production of «Forefathers' Eve» by Adam Mickiewicz at the Ivano-Frankivsk Drama Theatre, and it was reportedly «tailored for you».
- Maja is totally my director. Our collaboration in Poznan was so inspiring for both of us that after «Hamlet», we immediately began planning future projects.
We searched for material for a long time, Maja wanted to work on a piece of Ukrainian literature, and we even discussed «Macbeth». Then the full-scale invasion happened, and Kleczewska decided she would stage «Forefathers' Eve» because, in her view, there is no other anti-Russian dramatic work quite like it in Polish literature.
We chose the third part of this poetic drama, where Mickiewicz describes Polish-Russian relations that very much resonate with what Ukraine is experiencing now in its relations with Russia. Nothing new - this is a universal story for both Poland and Ukraine, as it is fundamentally about a person’s freedom being threatened by a powerful adversary.
- In «Forefathers' Eve», you once again play a prisoner. Well, you play the proud poet Konrad, but the audience perceives you as an Azovstal defender.
- While we were working on the play, we did not even think about captivity. I was very moved when audiences started interpreting the characters on stage as defenders from Azov. After the premiere, a friend told me that when my character Konrad emerged from an imaginary basement or prison for the grand improvisation, she saw it as if an Azov commander was coming out of the trench straight into enemy fire.
Maja Kleczewska's «Forefathers' Eve»
People interpret things in various ways. And that is fantastic because it means the work is multi-layered and rich in meaning. That is precisely what should happen with works of talent.
- You have already walked the red carpet in Venice twice. Now you could win an Oscar - why not? Americans already know you, a critic from The Hollywood Reporter once praised your performance in «Reflection». How do you feel about fame?
- I have no problem with people paying attention to my work and praising it.
Yes, I read about myself in The Hollywood Reporter and Variety - positive reviews inspire and motivate. And humility does not lead to anything good (smiles).
As for the Oscar - one should always hope, but simply being nominated is already a huge success.
Following the announcements about the next year’s support reduction, Germany sent additional weaponry to Ukraine, among them are new Anti-aircraft weapons, UAVs, rifles and ammunition. But the amount of funds Germany will dedicate to Kyiv’s defence needs in 2025 remains unknown until Autumn.
What is the current mood within the government and the Bundestag? Will the support change, and could the successful raid in Kursk have an impact? Furthermore, how might the latest findings from the investigation into the Nord Stream pipeline explosions affect relations with Ukraine? These and other questions were addressed in an exclusive interview with Sestry by Roderich Kiesewetter, a member of the largest opposition faction, the CDU/CSU, in the German parliament.
Aid to Ukraine vs «Nord Stream»
Maryna Stepanenko: The German publication Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAS) reports that Germany will limit its aid to Ukraine in the near future. Our Ministry of Foreign Affairs has already called this information manipulative, stating that negotiations regarding the budget for next year are still ongoing in your country. Last time, after lengthy negotiations, the funding level for 2024 was raised from 4 to almost 8 billion euros. What about next year? What is the current mood and thinking in the Bundestag?
Roderich Kiesewetter: The Bundestag and the government have differing views. The government would like to limit aid to Ukraine, with plans to cut it in half in 2025 and finance it outside the federal budget. This is not just indicated by the government itself, but also by the German Chancellor's Office.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Defence are advocating for increased support, but Scholz's office has instructed the Ministry of Finance to freeze it. We have an annual budget of around half a billion euros, and debates are focused on the 17 billion that are missing from the federal budget for next year.
And now, to compensate for those funds, the support for Ukraine has to be reduced, especially the military support
This reflects a lack of priorities and a clear position. The problem is that the government, particularly the Chancellor's Office, wants to cut aid to Ukraine for internal reasons. To justify this decision, one could tie it to the leaked information that Ukraine might have destroyed the Nord Stream pipelines. If this is the case, it is not even a punishment but a strange framing of incorrect, reckless information from certain investigative journalists. This does not seem like a coincidence.
It seems intentional that, in the same week when two different groups of investigative journalists try to blame Ukraine for the destruction of the Nord Stream, which could be a covert action by Russia, budget cuts that harm Ukraine are being discussed.
The Wall Street Journal (WSJ) investigation into the September 2022 sabotage of the Nord Stream pipelines suggests the alleged involvement of Ukrainian officials - President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and then-head of the Armed Forces, Valeriy Zaluzhnyi. What are your thoughts on this?
The WSJ article came out in competition with a piece by the German publication Spiegel, which was released a day earlier. Both publications seem to be steering toward the conclusion that Ukrainian officials gave the order to destroy Nord Stream.
Nord Stream 2 September 2022 explosion site. Photo: DANISH DEFENCE / AFP / East News
The WSJ investigation is indeed puzzling because it claims that Russia was earning billions of euros from Nord Stream, which is not true. Since July 2022, not a single gallon of gas has flowed through the pipeline, and even in the preceding months, only 40 per cent of the promised supply was delivered. So, if Ukraine had destroyed it, they would have essentially been «killing a dead horse». Why would they expend their efforts on that?
Secondly, if Zelenskyy was unable to communicate with the team that received the order to destroy the Nord Stream, why was this team reachable via satellite phone? That also does not add up. Thirdly, there is mention of a person referred to as Volodymyr Z. (in German publications - Wolodymyr Z. or Wladimir S., depending on the transliteration - Author) with a Ukrainian passport, but no one mentions that he could have had other passports, like Diana B. (another suspect according to the investigators' version - Author). She was the owner of the company that rented the yacht «Andromeda», but she also held a Russian passport. She lived in Crimea and is now in Krasnodar, so she is Russian, not Ukrainian. Furthermore, there are no witnesses, there are only secret sources. In my opinion, the WSJ story is inconsistent and implausible.
I do not believe this because if Ukraine had done something like this, it would have become public knowledge and would have caused harm to Kyiv. Therefore, I can not imagine that the Ukrainian government destroyed the Nord Stream pipelines or ordered such an action
The former head of German intelligence, August Hanning, previously suggested that Poland could be involved in the sabotage of the Nord Stream pipelines. In response to the ongoing investigation, Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk advised all initiators and patrons of the blown-up pipelines to «apologise and keep quiet». How do you assess such a statement?
Hanning does not question the findings of these questionable investigative groups, which annoys me, but it does not surprise me. Many former high-ranking officials in Germany have very close ties with Russia and a longstanding pro-Russian tradition, which we need to take into account. Russia uses pro-Russian voices in science, media, economics, and politics for its information warfare and can use them for deeper psychological operations. These individuals may appear authoritative but, in reality, become tools of a hybrid war in favour of Russia.
There is a group in Germany trying to make Ukraine the scapegoat to justify halting support. I can not explain Tusk's role, and we must be very careful not to resort to insinuations or accusations
I know that the German federal prosecutor is very upset about this story because it jeopardises his own investigation - the leak likely came from politically responsible people in the Chancellor's Office. He can not work as he should because those who destroyed the Nord Stream pipelines are now warned. And that is where the danger lies now.
If these individuals are in Russia, they are breathing a sigh of relief since Germany believes that Ukraine destroyed the pipelines. Therefore, we must be very cautious with Hanning's statements, Tusk's remarks, and, in general, with any hasty accusations.
Friends of Russia in Germany
The German prosecutor's office has issued an arrest warrant for a Ukrainian suspected of sabotaging the Nord Stream pipelines. Two other suspects are also believed to be Ukrainian. Beyond military support, could this impact other areas of cooperation between Germany and Ukraine?
Those who spread these likely fake news stories about the Nord Stream pipelines aim to end German support for Ukraine, undermine trust, and force Ukraine into capitulation. However, they disregard Ukraine's will and strength and fail to consider the Ukrainian population, which does not want to live under a frozen conflict or Russian occupation.
In front of the «Neptune» floating storage and regasification facility, the length of the «Nord Stream-2» gas pipeline is depicted on the container. Photo: John MACDOUGALL / AFP/East News
Ukrainians would leave their country if Kyiv were forced into a ceasefire. This is because, on the other side of the border in Russia, brutal violence is being committed against civilians. Ukraine, therefore, does not want to be forced into a ceasefire, as some in Germany, like the Chancellor and others, might prefer. We must be very careful to ensure that no forces on the ground undermine Germany's willingness to support Ukraine.
We have upcoming local elections in Thuringia, Saxony (on September 1), and Brandenburg (on September 22). In these three federal states, there are forces influenced by Russia: the Sarah Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) and the Alternative for Germany (AfD), which are partially funded or influenced by Russia. Thus, we must be very cautious about any context that benefits the Russian Federation. There is no direct funding, but people from these parties receive money for their personal interests and work within the parties.
There is indeed competition within our country between those who want to see the strengthening of an international order based on the rule of law and those who support the principle of «might makes right» - the power of Russia - and who see Ukraine as a necessary sacrifice for peace with Russia
But they do not realise that Russia does not want peace. Russia considers Ukraine a legitimate part of itself. Therefore, the Russians will continue the war against Ukraine and their hybrid war against Moldova and the Baltic countries. There will be no peace. This is the imperial mindset of Russia, which is not understood by those who wish to stop supporting Ukraine.
Returning to the budget and aid, if German lawmakers allocate no more than 4 billion euros to Ukraine in 2025, what will this mean for Ukraine's defence capabilities?
First of all, Germany is not the only supporter and not the strongest one. Other countries that provide more aid relative to their GDP are Denmark, Norway, Poland, the Baltic states, Sweden, Finland, and the United Kingdom. So, there are other, much more reliable partners.
Secondly, 4 billion euros are already planned. They will be invested in spare parts, ammunition, air defence, and so on. But there is no room for additional support from the regular budget. Therefore, it is crucial for Germany to provide Ukraine with additional assistance ranging from 4 to 10 billion euros next year. The government claims that the interest rate on frozen Russian assets should serve Ukraine's interests.
However, there is still no unified position on this in the European Union. This issue is absolutely unclear and depends, for example, on Hungary's support
In any case, the entirety of frozen Russian assets already belongs to Ukraine. This does not replace the necessary support from Germany and other countries. Therefore, the German government's argument is a kind of distraction, an excuse, and an evasion of responsibility.
On February 16, the German Chancellor, together with President Zelenskyy, signed a security agreement. On that date, he committed to supporting Ukraine for as long as needed, within its 1991 borders. But that signature is not worth the ink it is written with if Germany does not increase its support, and the security agreement holds no real value.
Ukraine and Germany signed a security agreement on February 16th 2024. Photo: Office of the President of Ukraine
Kursk offensive and German Taurus
In February, in one of your interviews, you said, «the war must be brought to Russian territory», and that «Russian military facilities and headquarters must be destroyed». Six months later, the Ukrainian Armed Forces began an operation in the Kursk region. What was your first reaction?
It was a sigh of relief because, in February, I demanded that we allow Ukraine to transfer the war to Russian territory, cut off Russian strongholds and supply chains, and strike Russian positions, ammunition depots, and those responsible for the war - their ministries, command centres, and logistics zones. For this, I was criticised by my party colleagues and some media. Now, I feel vindicated.
Such operations make sense from a military strategy standpoint, are permitted under international law, and, if successful, provide operational advantages. I am a former military officer. Before entering our parliament, I worked for almost 30 years in international organisations, NATO, the European Union, and the Armed Forces. I have a good understanding of what war entails and what is necessary to deter it and conduct successful operations.
On the other hand, as our defence minister said, it is quite normal for a country under attack to conduct war on the aggressor's territory. This is an entirely normal phenomenon in the world - our defence minister said last April on a talk show. But when I mentioned it in February of this year, people responded that this was warmongering. I argued that it was a necessity, and that is indeed the case.
Ukraine's operation in Kursk seems both correct and effective. We will see how sustainable its success will be, but for now, it is a significant victory for Ukraine. This is the right response to those who still believe in appeasement with Russia
Germany does not question the legality of the actions of the Ukrainian Armed Forces in the Kursk region and does not object to the use of German weapons on Russian territory. However, does the Kursk offensive change the opinions of German politicians about supplying Ukraine with long-range TAURUS missiles?
Unfortunately, no, because in the Social Democratic Party, the faction leader and a very important high-ranking politician in the Chancellor's Office oppose allowing Ukraine to destroy Russian communications, supply chains, etc. This is a deadlock.
My party, the CDU/CSU, strongly supports the transfer of TAURUS missiles, but Chancellor Scholz's office is blocking this. The defence minister wants to proceed with the supply, and the foreign minister supports it as well, but there is no political will because a unanimous government vote is required, and the Social Democratic Party is blocking this issue.
It is necessary, now more than ever, to supply several hundred high-precision, long-range strike systems, such as the TAURUS missiles. We also need to enable our defence industry to produce more tanks, more ammunition and more artillery.
However, this reflects a lack of political will and a deficiency in strategic culture and thinking. It is a spirit of appeasement, reminiscent of Chamberlain in 1938, rather than the approach of Churchill. We have yet to experience a «Churchill moment» in Germany. I am working on changing that
Transfer of German weapons to Ukraine. Photo: OPU
Pressure on Putin
In your opinion, how might the Ukrainian raid impact the situation inside Russia?
In the past, we have seen that when Putin has been under pressure, as during the Wagner Group mutiny, he has shown a preference for negotiations. At that time, he instructed Lukashenko of Belarus to help defuse the tense situation. Lukashenko persuaded Prigozhin to stop and go into exile in Belarus, but Putin later had him killed. So, when Putin is under pressure, he tends to negotiate or make concessions.
The Ukrainian raid provides an opportunity to not only create a buffer zone but also gain leverage in negotiations. For example, if there are future negotiations where Russia is required to withdraw from all of Ukraine, they might be allowed to retain the Kursk region in exchange. This could strengthen Kyiv's negotiating position, but pressure on the Donbas continues to mount. We will see whether the offensive in the Kursk region will ease the situation on other parts of the front, forcing Russia to retreat and redeploy its troops.
Ukraine is losing territory and hundreds of soldiers every day, so Western support needs to increase. In this regard, Germany is sending a very negative signal
Negative for Ukraine because Putin sees that Germany is weak in the knees. It is also problematic for the United States, as those who support isolationists, including Trump, could argue: «Why should we support Ukraine when the Germans are stepping back?» The narrative becomes, «This is Europe's issue, not that of the United States».
It would be a major failure for Germany if we were to lose the United States' support during the upcoming election campaign. That is why we need to invest more and do more. Ukraine must hold its ground and even expand its territory, it should continue the war on Russian soil to be in a better position if forced into negotiations. Ukraine needs to destroy Russian military targets such as missile launchers, airfields, and ammonia depots to limit and, hopefully, stop Russian attacks on Ukrainian critical infrastructure and civilian populations.
I see that there are people in the German government who would like to lift the artificial restriction that the United States and Germany have placed on Ukraine's use of Western weapons on Russian territory. We need countries like the Baltic States, Poland, the Czech Republic, the Scandinavian nations, the United Kingdom, Denmark, and others to increase pressure on Putin, as well as to press Germany to do more. At the moment, Germany is increasingly isolating itself in Europe as a country that does not act according to its economic power. We need to do more and motivate other countries to do the same.
After all, when it comes to rebuilding Ukraine, why should Germany benefit from it? The countries that have genuinely supported Ukraine should be the ones involved in Ukraine's post-war revival.
«We should all fear a weak and unprepared Germany»
Michael Giss, the Commander of the Bundeswehr's Hamburg Regional Command, recently stated that Germany must be prepared for a potential Russian attack within the next five years, given its role as a key NATO transport hub. What is Berlin currently doing to strengthen its defence capabilities?
That is an excellent question. Firstly, it is important to note that we are not talking about five years but rather two to three years. Russia is aware that the West is increasing its pace and losing time and resources. Therefore, they will intensify pressure through disinformation, sabotage and preparation for war over the next two to three years to outpace Europe's efforts.
Secondly, Germany experienced its Zeitenwende in 2022 (referring to Chancellor Olaf Scholz's address to the Bundestag on February 27 2022, following Russia's invasion of Ukraine, where Scholz described the attack as a «historic turning point»). However, that was just a speech - it is already history.
The Defence Minister is not receiving the necessary funding. All his requests have been curtailed. He is getting less money than needed to offset inflation and increase soldiers' pay. As a result, the German Armed Forces lack the support needed to improve their position. This situation is expected to worsen in the next two to three years.
By the late 2020s, when the German Armed Forces are truly at the limits of their capabilities, we will need much more fresh funding. We are talking about an additional 300 billion euros by the end of this decade to modernise our military, but they are only receiving between 5 to 10 billion euros - a small fraction of what is required.
This will reduce the capabilities of the Armed Forces and lower the morale of German soldiers. It is a victory for pacifists and the Social Democratic Party, who are deliberately weakening our military. We have Pistorius, the best Defence Minister in the last 20 years, yet he is not getting the necessary funds. He is a Social Democrat, but even he is not receiving the money needed, which isolates him. And that is very unfortunate.
One day, we may wake up to even greater pressure from Russian propaganda and increased Russian aggression. If we do not recover, we could face a situation akin to the second Jena and Auerstedt (the destruction of the Prussian army by Napoleon in 1806 - Author). Therefore, we need to raise this issue within Germany, but our friends and partners must also step up the pressure.
We need a strong Germany, as Radosław Sikorski said 12-13 years ago: «I fear a weak Germany much more than a strong one»
We should all fear a weak and unprepared Germany because that would be an invitation for Putin.
This project is co-financed by the Polish-American Freedom Foundation as part of the «Support Ukraine» program, implemented by the «Education for Democracy» Foundation
<add-big-frame>After many months of preparation and pilot training, the mighty roar of F-16 engines can finally be heard over Ukraine. The first shipment of 10 American-made fighters is already performing combat missions, and their presence can be felt on the frontlines. <add-big-frame>
<add-big-frame>Our modern fleet is expected to be joined by 20 new planes by the end of the year. While Ukrainian pilots are training, Kyiv could ask NATO member states about recruiting retired pilots. <add-big-frame>
<add-big-frame>«The deadliest F-16 pilot» of the American Air Force, retired Lieutenant Colonel of the United States Air Force Dan Hampton, also known as Two Dogs, is among those wanting to help Ukraine resist Russian aggression. He spoke about his ambitions to fight and how F-16 will turn the tables of this war in an exclusive interview with Sestry. <add-big-frame>
Marina Stepanenko: Mr Hampton, the first F-16s have finally arrived in Ukraine - how do you assess the journey from a categorical «no» to a definitive «yes»?
Dan Hampton: I think snails move faster, but you know, that does not matter anymore. I wish this had happened a year and a half or two years ago, but now that they are here, the focus should be on using them as effectively as possible to win the war.
On the Day of the Air Force of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced that the F-16s were already in the Ukrainian sky. Kyiv, August 4th. Photo: Office of the President of Ukraine
Mr Hampton, you are one of the most decorated fighter pilots since the Vietnam War. Over your 20-year career, you completed 151 combat missions in the Middle East during both Gulf Wars. From your professional perspective, what should be the main priorities for the 10 aircraft we currently have? How should we use them?
Of course, it depends on your Air Force and your government, but I am confident they will agree that the first priority should be clearing the skies over Ukraine of Russian aircraft. Once you have air superiority and control your skies, you can move freely on the ground and do whatever you need to do. The Ukrainian Air Force has done a great job and shown immense bravery over the past few years, but I think the F-16s have arrived just in time.
If Ukraine can secure its airspace, it will have many opportunities to carry out other necessary operations to drive the Russians out
By the end of the year, the number of F-16s in our arsenal is expected to increase to 30. In your opinion, what opportunities will this open up for us?
The real advantage of the F-16, and what truly frightens the Russians, is that this aircraft can perform so many different tasks, and the pilots are trained to execute a wide variety of missions - whether it is close air support, air combat, or taking out surface-to-air missile systems - anything. So, the more aircraft you have, the more flexibility you will have to carry out multiple missions simultaneously, depending on the need.
F-16s in the Ukrainian sky. Photo: OPU
Overall, Ukraine is expected to receive 79 F-16 fighters. President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has previously stated that to counter Russia in the sky effectively, we need at least 128 aircraft. So, my question is: will the promised number of F-16s be enough to impact the dynamics of the conflict and strengthen the military capabilities of the Ukrainian Armed Forces?
Absolutely. I mean, 30 aircraft would be a very strong start. That is roughly the size of one United States Air Force fighter squadron. So, if you end up with 79 or 80 aircraft, that is almost three squadrons. You could position them in different parts of the country, allowing them to conduct various types of missions. This would give you significant flexibility to support Ukrainian ground forces and push the Russians back across the border.
In Russia, they are trying to downplay the capabilities and potential impact of the F-16s on the battlefield. Yet, recent attacks suggest that the Russians are also targeting American F-16s by striking airfields. What does this behaviour and these actions from the aggressor indicate?
Desperation. They are trying to downplay the role of the F-16 because they have not been able to control the skies over Ukraine for over two years. And they know it. They know they can not advance on the ground without air superiority. They tried to achieve this in the first 10 days of the war, but the Ukrainians completely shattered them. So, of course, they are going to say things like that. But who believes what the Russians say, right? I mean, they make everything up. They lie. It is propaganda.
If I were there with my colleagues, flying and fighting alongside the Ukrainians, they would not need to find me. I would find them myself. And I am confident your pilots feel the same way. So, it does not matter what the Russians say
United States Senator Lindsey Graham, a Republican, has stated that he plans to ask President Joe Biden for permission to allow retired pilots to fly on Ukraine's behalf. You have previously mentioned that if you could, you would come to Ukraine and fight on our side. Do you still have that desire?
Absolutely. We are working on it. It is challenging for former officers, but I believe we will make it happen. There is a big difference between a volunteer with a rifle joining the ground forces and a former military officer flying to fight for Ukraine. So, these are political issues that, I hope - really hope - will be resolved very, very soon.
How do you feel about the idea of basing Ukrainian F-16s abroad for security reasons, for example, in Poland? There, you have good runways and maintenance capabilities. After all, Russia has kept its aircraft in Belarus and launched attacks from there.
It is no different. You know, everyone makes a big deal about not using Western weapons to strike Russian territory. But they constantly do it to Ukraine, don’t they? The Russians are using lousy North Korean ammunition, foolish drones from Iran, and other weapons. And, you know, it does not matter.
Regarding the use of Poland, it is a political issue. And since Poland is part of NATO, it makes the situation a bit more complicated. I do not have a definitive answer for you. I think Ukraine aims to have several well-protected airbases within its borders, where these aircraft can be serviced, repaired if necessary, and continue flying.
I do not think Ukraine wants to rely on anyone else, and you should not have to. And if everything goes as it should, you will not need to rely on others. You will get all the help and equipment you need, the political issues will be resolved, and you will win the war.
Do you foresee any logistical challenges in deploying and maintaining the F-16s in Ukraine?
You know, I can not give you a definite answer because I have not seen where these planes are based or what agreements have been made. I know that your government and military are smart enough to think through all of this, and they have had enough time to prepare for the arrival of the F-16s. So, I have to believe that everything necessary to keep these aircraft flying and fighting has already been established.
30 F-16s are expected to arrive in Ukraine by the end of the year. Photo: OPU
The United States will provide the F-16s with domestically produced missiles and other advanced weaponry, including the latest version of the AIM-120 AMRAAM air-to-air missile and the AIM-9X short-range air-to-air missile. Can you tell us what this weaponry is capable of?
This is a very good decision because you definitely need this weaponry, and it makes the F-16s significantly more dangerous for the Russians. The AIM-120 AMRAAM is an active radar-guided missile, which means that the aircraft launching it does not need to keep the enemy on its radar. It can fire the missile, which has its own radar inside, and it will head towards the target and destroy it. This allows the launching aircraft to target multiple enemy planes at the same time, and the missile will do the rest.
As for the AIM-9X, it is an infrared missile with a high range. You do not necessarily need to aim directly at the target. You could be sideways to the target, and the AIM-9 will find the heat source and take it out.
So that is good. This is top-notch weaponry used by our Air Force, and I am glad we are providing it to the Ukrainian Air Force
Despite the extensive support of F-16 weaponry, the United States still prohibits strikes deep into Russian territory from these jets. What could change Washington's stance on this matter?
That is a very good question. I do not understand politicians, so I can not figure out what they are thinking. I believe it is foolish to give someone a weapon and then tell them they can only use it up to a certain point.
And if Washington is trying to maintain some sort of friendship with Moscow for whatever reason, I do not see the point. I do not care what Vladimir Putin and the Kremlin think about Western weapons reaching Ukraine. After all, they are attacking Ukraine with their own weapons and those they are receiving from other countries, aren’t they?
So, what is the difference if the situation were reversed? Russia is not going to do anything reckless, like attacking NATO or the United States Even Putin would not go that far
I would like our government to be less timid and say, «Hey, this is your weapon, use it as you see fit». What are we going to do, take it back? I do not think so. So, I believe that once you have the necessary weapons, if the situation allows it, you will be able to use them as you deem appropriate.
What do you think should be the first target if we get the green light from Washington?
Airfields from which they launch those drones at your cities, and where they base their fighters and reconnaissance planes - that is what I would target. I would destroy the airfields and take out as many of their aircraft on the ground as possible. Again, I do not have the same information that your Air Force and government do.
I am confident that right now, they are doing what is best for Ukraine, and in the future, things will only get better
How effective do you think the training of Ukrainian pilots has been, considering that its duration had to be shortened to record lengths?
Yes, that is true. It was shortened. But your pilots were not complete novices. They all flew MiGs or Sukhois and were already fighter pilots. So, it is just a matter of teaching them to operate a new aircraft, learn new tactics and adapt to new equipment. The F-16 is very different from the aircraft they have flown before, but they were more than capable of mastering it.
I believe they were very impressed with the capabilities of the F-16, and they approached it with great enthusiasm and were very pleased to be learning to fly it. And from everything I have heard from my colleagues who trained your pilots, they handled the task very well.
Was the prior experience of flying MiGs or Sukhois more of a hindrance or a helpful skill during training on the F-16?
A bit of both. I have also transitioned from one aircraft to another, and I am sure they had a similar experience. You develop habits from your previous aircraft because all fighters are different. It is not like renting a car. You can not just jump in and fly. They are all different, and you need to learn each one.
And sometimes, especially if you have spent a lot of time on a previous aircraft, you have to unlearn certain habits and develop new ones. So, in that sense, it was a challenge, but no more so than for anyone else. What really helped them is that they are used to flying at speeds of 400 or 500 miles per hour (643 to 804 kilometres per hour), thanks to their previous experience.
They are accustomed to thinking very quickly and operating a jet aircraft. So, these are all good qualities that carry over from one aircraft to another
Can you share how the F-16 has performed in other wars or against similar adversaries in the past?
I participated in both Gulf Wars (the armed conflict from 1990 to 1991, where Iraq faced a coalition led by the United States. - Author), and while those were not Russians, they were using Russian equipment and were trained by Russians. In both cases, after the first 24 to 36 hours, the enemy air force stopped taking to the skies and engaging with us because those who did never made it back home.
I do not take them lightly. I do not underestimate them, but I do not overestimate them either. They have very significant weaknesses, and we are aware of them. We have the tactics and weapons that we have passed on to your pilots to be able to combat them quite effectively.
If you compare all the weapons for the F-16 that have been provided or promised to us with the best Russian weaponry, who would have the advantage, in your opinion?
The F-16 has the edge. It has a much better radar and can deploy a wider array of weapons that we have, much more effectively than the Russians can. So, I am confident that your pilots have been trained on all of this. They know the systems, they know the weapons, and I am sure they will use them correctly. And Ukraine will be proud of them.
Politico: USA is ready to send long-range F-16 missiles to Ukraine. Photo: OPU
In 2022, Russia employed S-300 missile systems to strike ground targets in Ukraine. Now, Russian arms manufacturers have once again upgraded this surface-to-air missile defence system for ground offensive operations. Among your achievements is the destruction of 21 such installations. Ukrainian forces may also need to target Russian air defence systems from the sky. What are the biggest challenges in such operations?
This is a very complex question. The mission of hunting down and destroying surface-to-air missile systems is the most dangerous in any air force, in any theatre of operations. It is far more risky than close air combat or shooting down enemy fighters in the air.
The Russians, to their credit, have always had good systems, and they have many of them. One of the primary challenges in any of these situations is pinpointing their exact location. We have assets in space and other places that can locate them.
I hope that all this information will be passed on to the Ukrainian Air Force so they can use it to do what needs to be done to eliminate these air defence systems.
This project is co-funded by the Polish-American Freedom Foundation as part of the «Support Ukraine» program, implemented by the «Education for Democracy» Foundation
Oresta Brit - a volunteer with over a decade of experience, head of the BON Charity Foundation and a former advisor to Valeriy Zaluzhnyy. Before 2014, she studied at the Sorbonne and worked as a runway model in Paris. Returned to Ukraine at the beginning of the Revolution of Dignity. She has 4 degrees, and speaking both English and French, she tells the foreigners all the truth about the bloody war in Ukraine at every opportunity. She worked in crisis management and attracting foreign investments into Ukraine. At the beginning of the war, she left the business and devoted herself completely to aiding the Armed Forces of Ukraine.
Nataliia Zhukovska: Oresta, you have been volunteering for over 10 years now. What do soldiers ask for most often? What does the frontline need the most today?
Oresta Brit: If I were to summarise my activities over the past 10 years, from 2014 to 2016 I was exclusively focused on helping the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Later, the number of requests from them decreased because the state began to take over the process of supplying the military. And, of course, the accompanying needs of the civilian population were also taken into account by us. In general, the charity foundation was a hobby for me in my free time from work and business. Since 2014, we, the volunteers, have become adaptable to changes and challenges and have even learned to anticipate needs. Overall, our work extends to many different areas that we initiated simultaneously at the start of the large-scale war.
We try our best to support the country in its difficult times. We cover «gaps» and needs until all the relevant state institutions get on a military footing and work like clockwork
However, this charitable activity should not reach the point where the state openly leeches on it. After all, we should have already shifted to a military footing a long time ago. The only things preventing this are corruption and unhealthy competition. As for needs, the largest portion of expenses goes towards purchasing electronic warfare equipment and microchips for FPV drones. This is what saves our military on the frontlines. There are constant requests for vehicles - they are expendable items. It must be acknowledged that the Russian army is launching on an industrial scale what we are doing on our knees. And in this, we are indeed losing.
What is the goal and the mission of the BON Charity Foundation that you founded?
Today, we help both the army and the civilian population. The mission of our foundation is to accelerate Ukraine's victory and to begin cultural and educational activities around the world. You know, the Charity Union of the Nation (Благодійне Об’єднання Нації - BON) is like a community. It is not a foundation of a single person. Every volunteer feels their responsibility and knows their sphere of authority.
Oresta Brit with children of fallen soldiers. Photo: private archive
We give many interviews to foreign media in English and French. We try to instil the correct narratives abroad. We show that this genocide has been going on not for 11 years, but for hundreds of years, and the methodology of exterminating the Ukrainian people is not much different nowadays. It's just that this time we are lucky that the world is becoming globalised and we have the opportunity to call attention to this, among other means, through the internet.
Concepts such as «fatigue» and «burnout» are familiar to many volunteers. Do you manage to avoid them?
Physical and moral fatigue, burnout - all of this is present, but I can not afford to stop because I am doing what inspires me and gives me energy. Charity is the best niche you could possibly preoccupy in modern Ukraine, especially in recent years. As for physiological burnout, it can happen. Therefore, we have a programme within which we send volunteers for health check-ups. But this need exists for civilians even during peaceful times.
As long as we have adrenalin, we hold on. Once the acute phase subsides though, it will be really hard for us
Do you have to visit the frontlines a lot?
Now my trips to the frontline involve solving crisis issues or delivering items not accepted by mail. I travel on my own, without an escort. Only I know where and when I am going.
There was an incident in 2022 when you almost died during a trip to the front. It was near Bakhmut. What happened then?
While I was driving to the military, Russians began to break through on that section of the frontline. As soon as I reached my destination, a close-range battle began - tank and rifle. It was a miracle that I was not shot not only by the Russians but also by our own military. I saw our guys shooting along the road. I asked: «Where should I jump out of the car?». And they shouted: «What do you mean jump out? Just drive away from here». These were assault troops near Bakhmut's industrial area. It took me 20 minutes to return to the city under fire. And then another 40 minutes to drive to Kostiantynivka from there.
Has this situation changed your desire to visit the frontlines?
I am still afraid of thinking about that story. The question of whether or not I should come to the frontline appears in my head every time. If there is no need, I do not go there.
Oresta Brit during one of her trips to Donbas. Photo: private archive
Which stories from your trips to the frontline have been the most memorable to you?
Honestly, nothing surprises or impresses me anymore. My body has switched to self-preservation mode. I've lost so many brothers and sisters-in-arms that I just find joy in everything there is to find joy in. I cherish every meeting, knowing it could be the last.
My body only reacts to joy and positivity. It's some kind of protective function
If you look through my social media, you'll see that I don't share any sad stories there. I confess it is my volunteers who go to the de-occupied territories where there are no intense battles. While I don't let them go to the frontline, they are the ones delivering humanitarian aid to those areas. I have distanced myself from such practices because I know I wouldn't be useful to the affected people. I would just cry and be anxious.
How does your family react to your trips to the frontline? Do they try to dissuade you or support you?
I have absolute support from my family. They are patient and respect everything I do. There is no resistance. My first trip to the frontline was in July 2014. My mother didn't know I had gone. Honestly, I didn't really understand where I was going either. My task was to deliver humanitarian aid to the Aidar unit and the 12th battalion. No one told me it was war. I realised everything when I reached the Luhansk region. I was a little scared, but it was too late.
Previously, you studied in Paris and planned to tie your life to the runway, but you chose volunteering instead. What influenced your decision to drastically change your life?
Let me say right away - there were no sacrifices. I had a great time marching on the runway from 14 to 22 years old. I worked for very prestigious agencies in Paris. However, at 22, I chose education because pursuing a degree at the Sorbonne (a public university in Paris. - Author) and working as a model was an impossible combination. Thanks to my parents, I learned to set priorities correctly.
Oresta Brit working as a model in Paris. Photo: private archive
Moreover, I never planned to become French or to stay in France. You know, everything in my life happens very timely. Studying abroad gave me a quality education and contacts that are now very useful. I am a crisis manager. My profile is in public relations and mediation. Now I am successfully using the knowledge I gained to fight against the aggressor.
I have never regretted returning to Ukraine. Over the years, I have acquired a wonderful new hobby called «charity»
Everyone was surprised why I returned, and no one realised how beautiful this country is, how wonderful our way of life is, and how diverse our regions are. You can go to both the mountains and the sea without leaving Ukraine.
You often communicate with foreigners. What do you try to tell and convey to them? How do they react to what they hear?
We are still losing the information warfare. When communicating with foreign businesses and on a diplomatic level, I try to convey to them the scale of the tragedy we are experiencing. So that everyone not only knows how heroic Ukraine is but also understands from our experience how to avoid this tragedy in their own country. Because this gangrene called Russia will only continue to spread if it is not amputated right now, at these stages.
Everyone must understand that the war is close by, not somewhere far away. Today, Ukrainians are protecting the world from great evil and terror
And this is precisely the message I manage to convey all the way from Washington to the Netherlands and France. I am often invited to various French channels because the French want to hear the opinion of an unbiased Ukrainian who does not belong to any political party.
Did you foresee a full-scale war in the middle of Europe? Where were you when it started?
On February 24, I was in Lithuania, registering our foundation. I immediately bought a car for the Armed Forces and headed towards Ukraine. We didn't know exactly when it would start, but we clearly understood that something was going to happen. And I feel the same now, realising the catastrophe that could happen in Europe. Because, in reality, there is no war in Ukraine; we have a special state of events. I predict the same special state in Europe. It's not about an invasion but about conducting remote military actions, including missile attacks.
You were an advisor to the former Commander-in-Chief of Ukraine, Valerii Zaluzhnyi. How did you assist him without being a military person?
I am a person to whom the tactics of waging war are distant, but I have been closely communicating with the army for quite some time. Over the years, I have gained unprecedented trust among the military. In our times, this is worth its weight in gold. It was my international administrative resources and the unprecedented trust of the army that led the then Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces to the idea that it might be worthwhile to take me on as an advisor. But in fact, these were not pieces of advice from my side. I very rarely communicated with him because I understood the level of his busyness. But at the beginning of the full-scale invasion, he did a very appropriate thing - he connected me with the responsible persons for different areas. And it was with them, side by side, for two years, that we kept our fingers on the pulse, synchronised our efforts and resolved pressing issues. As a result, I reported on our achievements, trips to the front and some weak points to the Commander-in-Chief. So, I was more of a reporter. If the level of the problem that needed to be solved was below the Commander-in-Chief, we did not take it to him. If his help was needed, then, of course, I went to him.
Oresta Brit with the former Commander-in-Chief of Ukraine Valerii Zaluzhnyi. Photo: from Oresta Brit’s social networks
Do you still maintain contact with Valerii Zaluzhnyi?
Yes, of course. I was friends with Valerii Fedorovych, not just with the Commander-in-Chief. I am acquainted with his wife and have great respect and affection for the couple. Olena is a very worthy woman with a sense of dignity. She has stood side by side with her husband throughout the full-scale war. She is a true general's wife. I wouldn't wish on anyone the things they have gone through during this time. The level of responsibility and both psychological and physical stress they have endured is something not everyone can withstand.
How has the war changed you?
I wouldn't say the war has changed me. Maybe it has revealed my resilience. I can't say that I have flourished over these two years. The war has definitely taken a physical and psychological toll on all of us. Unlike myself, I feel sorry for those who had an awakening, who had to break themselves one morning. Those who used to love the Russians but now fiercely hate them. Because hatred is a feeling that destroys. I have never compared Ukrainians and Russians. They have always been a completely foreign nation to me.
I was born in 1990, and my conscious life has been spent in a whole, independent Ukraine. I am not ready to change that
What do you think we should prepare for? How long will the war last?
You know, we are prone to forgetfulness. We will begin to forget what is happening today, and it must not be allowed. Today's events should be etched in memory of many generations. We must write history correctly, monitor it, and ensure that heroism is not attributed to those who do not deserve it. We must do everything to ensure that Russians, on a genetic level, understand that Ukraine is a taboo territory, better left untouched. We must end this war ourselves. I don't want my children and grandchildren to experience anything like this.
I don't want to live in constant anticipation of our neighbour attacking us again. We must change this
Have you thought about the future? Do you plan to live abroad, where you successfully established yourself at one time, or in Ukraine?
I can live anywhere. The main thing for me is that there is order in Ukraine. Today, I cannot leave Ukraine for long periods of time. My maximum is two weeks. Last year, I went to the sea just to get some sleep, and after two weeks, I was literally running back. I want my children to see the world and feel at home everywhere. So, I don't think I will limit myself to just Ukraine. I have a rather international family, and wherever it is warm and nice, that's where I will be. But all this will only be after our victory.
Oresta Brit: «I am confident that most Ukrainians will come home, and Ukraine will once more become a flourishing country». Photo: private archive
How would you like to see Ukraine after the war ends?
I would like to see Ukraine with an idea, self-identification and without an inferiority complex. I would like it to be Ukrainian-speaking, with a decent level of education, and not a victim of populism. In other words, just like in all civilised countries, we shouldn't bother ourselves with questions like who our ministers are and where they are vacationing. I truly want to see Ukraine as civilised and accomplished. We have prosperous resources, and I would like to see them utilised. And I want this right of utilisation to be in the hands of Ukrainians, not those who are now, in these difficult times, trying to come in and seize a monopoly. I am confident that most Ukrainians will return home, and Ukraine will once again become a prosperous, peaceful state. But this will take time. Today, we need to unite and help the country not only to endure but to win.
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