Society

«Rainbow» symbolism for the enemy is a signal for humiliation, mockery, violence and murder»

- Before the full-scale invasion, I was a co-founder and director of the organisation «Insha» in Kherson, - says Maryna Usmanova. - Since 2014, it has been protecting the rights of women and LGBT community representatives. We organised informative events, training sessions for police and local authorities and advocated for the opening of a shelter for victims of domestic violence.

During the occupation, we evacuated people from the Kherson region. We managed to evacuate over 300 people: LGBT community representatives, activists, journalists and military wives. Those for whom staying meant death

The charity organisation «Insha» and the team of the NGO «Projector» jointly documented war crimes against LGBT+ individuals on the then-occupied and later liberated territory of the Kherson region. Instances of brutal abuse by Russian soldiers were recorded. «Rainbow» symbols on phones or tattoos were signals for humiliation, mockery, violence and murder.

According to the NGO «Projector» report, Russian soldiers deliberately sought out LGBT community members. For example, there is evidence that Russian soldiers forced men to undress, checked smartphones for same-sex dating apps and severely beat them for it. Aleksandr was detained at a checkpoint by Russian soldiers, pushed into their van and taken to a temporary detention facility just because he was part of the LGBT+ community. He was beaten initially in the facility. Then a red dress was brought, and he was forced to wear it. In this dress, he was taken to an interrogation with an FSB officer. Aleksandr’s answers displeased the Russians, so he was added to a list and kept under arrest. According to him, being on this list «allowed» the guards to beat him, torture him with electric shocks, force him to eat the Ukrainian flag and more. Sexual violence was common in the facility. Medical care was not provided, detainees were fed once a day, and access to a shower was granted only to those who «deserved» it. To get permission for a shower, guards forced detainees into sexual acts. Aleksandr was held captive for 64 days. He was released but ordered to sing the Russian anthem every morning for ten days in a row while being watched from another building with binoculars to ensure compliance.

And there are countless such examples.

- Now the «Insha» organisation is still active, and part of the community still lives in Kherson, - continues Maryna Usmanova. - For instance, we received a grant for an initiative to provide the city with bicycles. Kherson currently has problems with public transport, and walking around the city is unsafe. So we purchased bicycles, brought them to Kherson and distributed them to those in need. Another initiative of ours is the evacuation of art objects. We managed to save many valuable exhibits.

But staying in Kherson was far too dangerous for me, and I had to leave. In the city, I was a public activist. I was invited to appear on television and radio. At the same time, the registered address of our organisation was effectively my home. It was not difficult to find me as an LGBT activist. Moreover, before the full-scale invasion, an advocacy campaign for the crisis centre was conducted, and billboards featuring, among others, my face were displayed throughout the city. If you googled «Kherson LGBT», the system would provide plenty of information about me.

As I later learned, they were looking for me. So, if I had not left, I probably would not be speaking with you now.

«Everyone needs their own community. Especially Ukrainians at this time»

- We ended up in Berlin «via Australia». In the sense that a Kherson activist we knew, who had moved to Australia long ago, helped us find people in Berlin willing to assist us.

We were housed in an anarchist commune. There were seven of us, plus a cat and a Malamute dog. All of us lived in one room for eight months. But it was far from the worst option, and we are very grateful. Anarchists are saints (laughs, - Edit.).

Once we adapted, we began meeting with other activists. One day, along with Loki von Dorn, we decided that we wanted to establish our own organisation.

Now, the Kwitne Queer community comprises over 100 people. We are the only organisation for queer Ukrainians in Western Europe. We meet approximately once a week to discuss plans, organise discussions, lectures, mutual support groups, play «Mafia» and celebrate holidays together. Everyone needs their own community, especially Ukrainians at this time.

After all, you might come to a supposedly friendly place, and then you are confronted with unfriendly questions about politics as a Ukrainian: «Why is your Zelensky fighting with Russia?» And often, these questions are not from Russians but from people from Kazakhstan or Azerbaijan. It is clear that after such questions, it is difficult to consider such a community your own.

One of our important projects is «Your Friendly Interpreter». Each of us occasionally needs to visit doctors, government institutions, job centres and so on. However, Ukrainians still largely do not know German. How then can one explain to a gynaecologist, for example, that despite someone having a beard, they have female reproductive organs? There are many issues where it is impossible to be effective without an interpreter.

In Germany, there are charity foundations that provide free interpreters, such as the «Caritas» organisation. But. First of all, it is a religious organisation. Secondly, they mostly provide Ukrainians with Russian interpreters. Because there are many of them. And you cannot choose your own interpreter because it is a free service.

Imagine a transgender person going to a gynaecologist accompanied by a homophobic, Ukrainophobic elderly woman interpreter. I once went to a therapist in the company of just such a person. She told me that «all Ukrainians are Banderites» and so on, following the well-known Russian narratives

That is why we came up with a solution: a person goes to the doctor, calls our Ukrainian interpreter via Telegram from there, and they translate on speakerphone. We already have five specialists, and experience shows that this option is much more comfortable than what local charity foundations offer. This service is very popular with us.

One of my dreams and goals is to have my own shelter or social apartment - a queer hostel. Berlin has a huge housing problem. From time to time, people find themselves on the streets. They need a safe place to get through difficult times or a gap between housing contracts.

Every year, we participate in the Berlin Pride, one of the largest in Europe. Ukrainian Ambassador to Germany Oleksii Makeiev joins the Ukrainian column, delivers a speech, and last year, the Mayor of Berlin Kai Wegner spoke from our float.

Does Berlin have problems with homophobia? At the legislative level, everything is excellent. But on the level of personal communication - not always. Germans have already learned that homophobia is bad, that it makes you appear at least uneducated. But in Berlin, Germans have long been less than half the population. Many people from other countries bring their homophobia with them.

«I chose Berlin because I felt safe here»

Another co-founder of Kwitne Queer, Loki von Dorn, a non-binary person, human rights advocate, activist and actor, shares:

- Even before the full-scale invasion, I broke my leg - and the fracture was quite serious, with fragments. When the war began, because of my leg, I could not join the Territorial Defence or even a volunteer headquarters - they would not take me. In March, I finally had surgery, and an implant was placed to fix the bone. Fighter jets were flying over the city of Dnipro at that time. I lay there thinking I would not even have time to hide if the Russians started bombing.

At the end of May, I decided to leave. I went to Germany because I had many acquaintances there, although, in the end, it was new acquaintances who helped me. I chose Berlin because it is the most welcoming to queer people. Here I felt safe. Berlin reminds me of my favourite cities in Ukraine: a bit of Dnipro, a bit of Odesa, and a bit of Kyiv.

I had no money, did not know the language, and the documents took a long time to process. My housing was only for a month. In six months, I changed the roof over my head eight times. Sometimes I slept on the floor. Despite this, I adapted quickly and immediately started looking for activities.

It is hard for creative professionals to find work in Berlin. Because here, every other person is an «artist». You are not competitive here due to the vast number of people like you

As a professional activist, I sought opportunities primarily in this direction. I had known Maryna Usmanova from Ukraine. In Berlin, I attended events she organised for the Ukrainian queer community. And one day at the end of 2022, we decided to create an organisation for Ukrainians who found themselves here because of the war.

In February 2023, we began the process of registering Kwitne Queer. We wrote the charter, submitted the documents, and only in August 2024 did we receive official non-profit organisation status. Until then, we worked as volunteers. Registering your non-profit organisation in Germany is not easy at all. For example, we are still waiting for our account to be set up, without which we cannot receive grants or spend grant money.

Our main mission is to support equal opportunities and inclusion for queer Ukrainians in Germany, facilitating their interaction. We all need support. Because sometimes you cannot predict the criterion by which you will be discriminated against: whether for being queer, a refugee or Ukrainian.

Recently, we were formally accepted into the Alliance of Ukrainian Organisations. Interestingly, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church is among the members of this alliance. They were not against it. Along with other organisations in the Alliance, we share a space where we can host our events.

At the time of this article's publication, the Kwitne Queer organisation officially opened an account in a German bank, received a grant from one of Berlin's district centres, and launched an official website. So, new initiatives lie ahead.

Про смерть Світлани Олешко повідомив у Фейсбуці письменник Сергій Жадан.

Журналіст та громадський активіст Євген Клімакін зазначив, що прощання з режисеркою відбудеться 23 грудня о 12.00 у Варшаві.

«Не стало Світлани... Людини, яка створила Teatr 'Arabesky'/ Театр "Арабески", привносила в театр поезію, повставала проти штучного і заскорузлого, розповідала про Шевельова і Юру Зойфера, про наших закатованих і репресованих. Людини, яка втілювала Харків і була частиною його серця», — написала Тетяна Терен, журналістка, виконавча директорка Українського ПЕН.

«Талановита, харизматична, світла, вона була джерелом натхнення для багатьох з нас. Своєю енергією та добром Світлана змінювала світ навколо себе, несучи любов, підтримку й силу кожному, хто її знав», — пише у своєму пості лідерка ініціативи Євромайдан-Варшава Наталка Панченко.

Після початку повномасштабного вторгнення Світлана Олешко переїхала до Польщі, де працювала у Польському театрі ім. А. Шифмана у Варшаві.

<span class="teaser"><img src="https://cdn.prod.website-files.com/64ae8bc0e4312cd55033950d/6512974ff15ba88aec92030f_Yuliia_Natalia_Svitlana_Fot.Tymofii%20Klubenko-male.jpg">Мої три сестри. Ми зараз у різних країнах, але хочемо знову всі разом жити у Харкові</span>

Наприкінці березня цього року у Варшаві відбулась прем’єра вистави Світлани Олешко «Харків, Харків». Вистава створена у формі мюзиклу та розповідає про діяльність театру «Березіль» та його засновника Леся Курбаса. Текст до вистави спеціально написав Сергій Жадан. «Це дуже харківська історія про те, як театр “Березіль” приїжджає до Харкова з Києва і що власне з ним стається потім, — розповідала Світлана Олешко. — Сергій Жадан дотримується історичної правди. Майже. Тільки ми змінили фінал. Ми подумали, що досить вбивати наших митців і ми залишили Курбаса жити і вручили йому Оскар».

У січні цього ж року в Польському театрі імені Арнольда Шифмана режисерка організувала читання антології «Війна 2022». До книги увійшли твори 42 українських авторів, написані після 24 лютого 2022 року.

Світлані Олешко був 51 рік. Вона двічі була заміжня. Першим чоловіком режисерки був письменник Сергій Жадан. Другий — лідер гурту «Мертвий півень» Місько Барбара, який помер у 2021 року.

Світлана Олешко – засновниця, директорка і режисерка театру «Арабески». Проходила стажування в Польському інституті театру. З 1993 по 2019 рік працювала науковим співробітником Літературного музею в Харкові. Світлана Олешко є ініціаторкою створення Театрального інституту в Харкові. Найвідоміші постановки – «Декалог: локальна світова війна», «Червоний Елвіс», «Чорнобиль™ », «РадіоШансон: Вісім історій про Юру Зойфера».

Світлана Олешко від початку заснування онлай-медіа Sestry.eu була його авторкою, робила інтерв'ю з видатними постатями сучасності. Вся редакція Sestry висловлює свої співчуття рідним та друзям Світлани Олешко.

Croatians have warmly welcomed Ukrainians since the very first days of the full-scale war. According to official data, the country has taken in approximately 30 thousand Ukrainian refugees. Stress, language barriers, and lack of employment are just some of the challenges faced in a new country. In July 2022, several proactive Ukrainian women, who had overcome the tough path of adaptation themselves, decided to unite for a good cause. They established an organisation for their fellow countrymen called «Svoja», which has been actively helping those in need for three years now.

Iryna Pronenko: «I could not comprehend that war could happen twice in my life»

I come from Luhansk. I studied there, graduated from the Faculty of Psychology, and managed to work in my profession before 2014. As soon as the war began, my future husband and I left the city. We never wanted to live under Russian rule. In Luhansk, we left two apartments and all our belongings behind, embarking on a new life in Kharkiv. We invested our earnings in professional development and education because the situation in 2014 demonstrated that those with knowledge and experience had a better chance of finding employment. It took us eight years to build a new life and make something out of ourselves. By the time of the full-scale war, I was a managing partner of an HR consulting agency, and my husband had a psychological counselling practice. However, like in 2014, the war caught up with us again. In mid-March 2022, we decided to leave. Due to my husband’s disability, we both went abroad.

We chose Montenegro, not knowing that fate would decide otherwise. Our route passed through Hungary and Serbia. However, when boarding a bus to Belgrade, the driver refused to let us on with our cat. We started looking for another way to get to Montenegro, and it led us through Zagreb. At that point, we had been on the road for five days.

We arrived in Zagreb on 17 March 2022. Perhaps due to exhaustion and the sense of peace, we decided to stay there.

On Facebook, I found a group helping Ukrainians in Croatia. I wrote that a couple with a cat was looking for accommodation. That same day, we received a reply: «We would be happy to host you»

Within a few days, I saw a social media announcement about free Croatian language courses. Over the next month and a half, I studied. Finding a job in Croatia was not easy, but I continued working remotely in Ukraine. Eventually, I met the head of the «Svoja» organisation, offered my help, and got involved in volunteering.

I still help Ukrainians in Croatia with career counselling, setting up businesses, and job searches - such as writing CVs and preparing for interviews. Before us, no one else was doing this. With my beginner-level Croatian, I accompanied people to interviews. Later, when the association won a grant and began receiving funding, I was employed there as a specialist in employment and career consulting.

When the full-scale invasion began, I could not comprehend that war could happen twice in my life. There was an inner protest when you think, how many times must I start over?

In Croatia, it so happened that we created our own job. Its results are evident. Over two years, we have employed more than 500 people. For now, I do not plan to return to Ukraine - and I have nowhere to return to.

Tetyana Chernyshova: «It is very important to feel that you are not alone»

We are from Kyiv and, like many others, thought that the war would not last long - at most, three days. I remember sitting in the bomb shelter with my children. We have three. At that time, one daughter was eight years old, the other six. Our eldest was no longer living with us.

On the second day of the full-scale war, my husband said: «We are leaving. You have half an hour to pack. Whatever you take is yours. We are heading to Western Ukraine». We had a huge argument because I thought it was inappropriate and unnecessary to leave home. I took documents, money, some belongings, and underwear for three days. For some reason, I was convinced that we would return within a week.

On the way, along the Zhytomyr highway, we saw a lot of military equipment. Missiles were being shot down overhead. The children asked: «Why are there fireworks during the day? You cannot even see them». From Kyiv to Zhytomyr, it took us about seven hours. The next day, we heard horrifying news that cars were burning on the Zhytomyr highway and that there were Russian tanks there. We reached the Slovakian border. We managed to find a place to stay in a student dormitory. A few days later, we decided to go abroad with the children. Friends invited us to Zagreb, Croatia. My husband stayed behind, and I went with the children to the pedestrian border crossing. In a queue over seven kilometres long, we stood for 12 hours.

After crossing the border, I panicked. My mind was in chaos. I called the woman who had invited us to Croatia. She fully coordinated us. The next day, we travelled by train to Budapest and from there to Zagreb. And again, we thought we would stay for a week at most - and then return home. However, on March 8th, our house near Kyiv was destroyed by an enemy projectile. It was a direct hit. All that was left of the house was a pile of rubble. That was the moment I understood the gravity of the situation. At first, I was like an animal trapped in a cage. Only later did I start going outside, exploring where the shops and hospitals were.

The children were very well received at the local school. Simultaneously, they studied online in Ukraine. One daughter immediately integrated into the group, while the other struggled. She cried every day and said: «Mum, I do not want to go to school. I do not understand what they are saying. They hug me, and I do not want to hug them».

Croatians are a kind and empathetic nation. They sympathised with us greatly because 30 years ago, they also experienced war and understand what it is like. I worked online as a lecturer in therapeutic physical education at Shevchenko University. However, we were eventually told that it was impossible to conduct lessons from abroad. I had to resign. Until I learned the Croatian language, I worked wherever I could - cleaning floors and toilets, babysitting. In March 2022, I accidentally met a Ukrainian woman named Nataliya, and later, we founded our association «Svoja». We decided to provide informational support to Ukrainians who found themselves displaced by the war.

When you are in a foreign country and do not know your rights, anything can happen. For example, there were cases where people were deceived about their wages at work

Today, I work as a waitress in a café near my home and my children’s school, and I volunteer at «Svoja». From my own experience, I know that people arriving in a new place often do not know where to start or how to proceed. As for my adaptation, I have learned the language and gained some understanding of how to survive here. However, I still feel like a stranger in a foreign country.

Nataliya Hryshchenko, Head of the Ukrainian Association in Croatia: «For us, «Svoja» is one of our own»

We established «Svoja» in July 2022. At that time, it was not easy for anyone who had found temporary refuge in Croatia. We lived without unpacking our suitcases, waiting to return home the next day. Unfortunately, that did not happen. So, we decided to create our own community called «Svoja». To gain people’s trust, it was necessary to officially register the organisation. We were fortunate to meet the «Solidarna» Foundation, which supported us both legally and financially. They provided us with our first grant, registered a fund to support Ukrainians, and acted as our mentors.

Today, our core team consists of four people brought together by chance. Each of us has our own area of focus. We managed to build a community of Ukrainians who use our services, comprising over three and a half thousand people.

It is very important to feel that you are not alone. By helping others, we help ourselves cope with the pain that the war inflicts on all of us

First and foremost, we provide informational support. Our main focus areas are employment and education. We collaborate with the local employment fund. We have a database of people who contact us and respond to their requests quickly. There is no bureaucracy with us. We work with over 70 employers who provide us with job openings. We also cooperate with legal firms that support refugees. Additionally, we assist Ukrainians in validating their diplomas. The number of people seeking our services grows every year. People want to work in their professions and receive fair pay.

We also work in the field of human rights protection. We collaborate with the Ombudsman of the Republic of Croatia and have even had to seek their assistance. For example, 20 kilometres from Zagreb, there is a settlement of Ukrainians where there was no family doctor after the previous one resigned. This is a significant issue for Croatia, which lacks two thousand doctors. We wrote a collective appeal to the Ombudsman, who addressed the issue through the Ministry of Health.

Additionally, we organise language courses. So far, over 200 people have completed our programmes. From January 2025, we plan to introduce a Croatian language course specifically for medical professionals. We have also established an IT community that offers training sessions. Currently, we are running a course on artificial intelligence. Moreover, we provide regular psychological support lectures.

There are requests for psychological, physical, and even material support. Recently, we collected items and food for people who had just arrived from Ukraine. Their numbers continue to grow. Last year, according to official data, there were 22,900 Ukrainians in Croatia; by 2024, this number had risen to over 27 thousand.

Finding us is simple - we have our own website and are also active on Facebook, Telegram and YouTube.

«In Berlin, you pay an agent up to 5 thousand euros just for the right to rent a flat»

- On the morning of 24 February, my sister called me: «The war has begun». I hung up, looked out the window, and saw a four-lane traffic jam, recalls Marharyta Korovina, organiser of public events and a Ukrainian culture festival in Berlin. - At that time, I lived with my mother. My sister said they would take me, but there was nowhere to take my mother. Understanding that I could not leave my mother alone, I refused to leave.

There were fewer and fewer people in our district. Within days, the neighbourhood was deserted, with only the elderly left. And I started helping them. I used my savings to buy them food. Getting groceries at that time was quite a challenge. My task was to find bread for my mother, my neighbours, and myself. At «Silpo» (Ukrainian supermarket chain), they gave out one loaf per person. So I searched all over our district. And I believed the war would soon end...

I also created a TikTok account where talked to Russians through chat roulette. I asked them why they had attacked, what they wanted from Ukraine. They gave all kinds of absurd answers, often aggressive. It was my social experiment to counter the «not all Russians are like that» narrative - I posted conversations with Russians in the public domain. In the first months of the full-scale invasion, my account went viral. Some people used my materials to edit videos for their Telegram channels. Some videos gained a million views in one day. Then I got banned.

By summer 2022, I realised my savings were running out, and I had no income. The office where I had worked before the war had closed. A quick decision was necessary.

Since the situation in Kyiv was already more or less calm, I made the difficult decision to go to Barcelona, as our fund's hub was there. Besides, my sister already lived in Spain. I went there hoping to be among ambitious, motivated and active people but found something entirely different: in the Spanish office, like in an ordinary accounting office, everyone worked from 9 to 3 and then hurried home. I could not focus. I went to Berlin for a couple of days to volunteer... and stayed.

I had no friends or relatives in Berlin, but I was captivated by the enormous Ukrainian creative community here. At every corner, Ukrainian flags: on official buildings, universities, town halls, and even just on the balconies of residential houses. I was amazed by the scale of support for Ukraine.

Moving to Germany can be compared to a person learning to walk and talk again after an injury. You seem like an adult, but your opportunities are like those of a two-year-old child. For a long time, I felt like a non-functional part of society. But now, it seems I have reached the acceptance stage.

A significant problem in Berlin is housing. I was lucky not to live in «Tegel». This is a non-operational airport where a camp for refugees was set up using tents, and nearly everyone arriving from Ukraine passed through it. Using the programme for Ukrainian refugees, I lived for the first two months with a young German family. Simultaneously, I searched for a flat.

Finding accommodation in overcrowded Berlin is a task with a star, so social networking works best here (word of mouth). Ukrainians created Telegram channels and found local resources that worked better than the official housing search. However, estate agents are also used here, and that is another corrupt scheme. Agents often ask for 1-5 thousand euros as a «provision» - a one-time cash payment directly to the agent, not included in the contract. Essentially, a cash bribe for the right to rent a flat. Perhaps agents artificially create such demand that people are ready to pay any money just to get a housing contract. An open flat viewing in Berlin is a queue of a hundred people. You pay the agent to be prioritised. Personally, I found a flat by talking to people because I kept asking everyone about housing.

Germany is an entirely different world. I thought there would be technological progress here. Instead, everything is slow, unclear and bureaucratic. This was a shock to me. I know that even most Germans are dissatisfied with this.

«I can only do things related to Ukraine»

- Was it difficult to adapt to Germany?

- In Berlin, I quickly got to know interesting people. We began meeting and creating projects. I felt there were resources here through which I could do much good for Ukraine. Because I can not do anything unrelated to volunteering or Ukraine. When you constantly think about the war at home, other things barely concern you.

Imagine, here in Berlin, I have seen people from Mariupol who still carry keys to their flats in Ukraine, even though those no longer exist

Regarding the adaptation of Ukrainians in Berlin, I have a basis for comparison - with Barcelona, Paris and Lisbon. Kyiv had a special relationship with Berlin even before the war, so, unsurprisingly, many cultural figures, artists and activists relocated here. Today, Berlin feels like an extension of the Golden Gate and Podil. Events here easily gather Ukrainian music, food, and goods. We even received a proposal to hold «Kurazh Bazar» in Berlin, but we organised something in a similar format called «Motanka».

Ukrainians in Berlin are what keeps me here: active people who tirelessly keep Ukraine in the informational spotlight, fight against disinformation, talk about Ukrainian culture and history, shout about the repressions our nation suffered under the Soviets, and open the eyes of the «concerned» and not-so-concerned Europeans to the proximity of the war and Russia’s colonial, imperialist, and terrorist nature.

Moreover, many Ukrainians in Germany are already integrated and well-acquainted with local sentiments. Most such individuals now occupy leadership positions in Ukrainian organisations, cultural institutions, embassies, etc.

Over the past three years in Berlin, several Ukrainian restaurants, beauty salons, and a gallery have opened, but the largest focus is on public organisations. People did not bring their businesses here since Germany is not the most favourable place for entrepreneurs. Instead, they brought their social and charitable initiatives. Everything here revolves around culture, politics and information.

In 2023, together with German, Georgian and Ukrainian like-minded individuals, we registered a public organisation here called Mizelium. By law, Ukrainians can not establish their own organisation in Germany. Its composition must include Germans. What do we do? Initially, we collected humanitarian aid and sent it to Ukraine. Then we shifted to organising festivals, concerts and workshops to introduce Europeans to Ukrainian culture and make it trendy.

I am learning German and will soon take the B2 level exam. I plan to obtain grant funds for our cultural projects.

Our main idea is to show the colossal difference between Ukrainian and Russian cultures. Many Germans do not distinguish between them

A German acquaintance once said he did not even know that beyond Poland there was another country. He thought it was immediately Russia

«We created the largest Ukrainian culture festival in Europe - for 10 thousand people»

- Tell us about the projects in Berlin you participated in. Why is this important to you?

- In 2023, we organised the largest Ukrainian culture festival in Europe, «Motanka». A year earlier, in 2022, we launched its pilot version. We chose an underground location, little-known even to Berliners - a place where hippies live: a river, yurts, a bar made of planks, a small stage. We arranged an exhibition in a boathouse garage.

A year later, we organised a large-scale festival.

Six floors of various formats: music, cinema, exhibitions, a pop-up market of Ukrainian brands, food, discussions about culture and politics. Over three days, about 10 thousand people attended our festival

We created this event without grant funding. We offered collaboration to Ukrainians from the cultural sphere in Berlin, and all of them agreed. We did not expect such a scale but were happy. The location was provided to us for free. We enlisted the help of partners and sponsors who provided free services totalling approximately 300,000 euros.

I would call Berlin a decision-making hub. Many politically significant events happen here.

Now, in 2024, the intensity of Ukrainian informational events is still quite high. However, greater involvement is desirable because, for example, there are fewer and fewer people at protests and rallies.

There is an event called «Café «Kyiv» with a political focus. Last time, Ursula von der Leyen participated, and Vitali Klitschko was present. Our ambassadors also joined. Panel discussions were held, the documentary «20 Days in Mariupol» was shown, and there was an exhibition titled «Yolka», which had been with us on Maidan in 2014 - there was a queue at the entrance. The first event was held at a place called «Moscow Restaurant». On the day of the event, this name was symbolically covered with a banner reading «Café Kyiv». Politicians attend this event to emphasise their pro-Ukrainian image.

Our «Motanka» was created to engage people who unknowingly discovered Ukraine. Through collaborations with local artists, brands, and musicians, we managed to unite an audience and subtly involve thousands of Berliners, showing them the creative side of Ukraine without alienating them with the topic of war.

«In the state I have been in for almost three years, Frank Wilde has been in nearly his entire life»

- How do Germans now view everything Ukrainian?

- Until 1989, Berlin was divided by a wall, and the eastern part of the city still significantly differs from the western part. Even election results reflect this. Here, people romanticise the Soviet Union and Russian politics. Even the generation that did not experience life in the USSR somehow feels nostalgic about it. Therefore, their attitude towards everything Ukrainian, naturally, is not positive.

Russia, thanks to friendly relations with Merkel, deeply ingrained itself in the minds of Germans, and people «outside politics» miss it because kebabs used to cost 3,50 euros under her rule, and now they cost 8. Gas was also cheaper.

There are Germans who still feel «backed into a corner» because of World War II. This has led to the quiet emergence of a second wave of Nazism, which is now breaking out of the underground. For instance, the popularity of the AfD party is growing. This pro-Russian party plays on Germans' emotions (the main ideological theses of the AfD are directed against European integration and immigration - Edit.)

In general, discrimination based on nationality is prohibited by law in Germany (this is stated in the constitution). Therefore, no German would do this openly or transparently. I have not noticed such conflicts here.

However, there are also many conscientious Germans who are interested in Ukraine, attend Ukrainian demonstrations, speak at them, and provide support.

- You have been working with Frank Wilde, a designer and a great friend of Ukraine, for over two years. What is the most important aspect of this collaboration for you?

- I learned about Frank while sitting in a bomb shelter in Kyiv, before I left. When I arrived in Berlin, I met him at one of the events dedicated to Ukraine. He literally attends all such events. When we organised the first «Motanka», I suggested he hold his own auction. He agreed and donated part of the proceeds to support Ukraine.

I offered him my help with PR and managing his communications. Now, I am his volunteer manager.

Frank played a key role in my stay in Berlin. He is a very wise person. In the state I have been in for almost three years, he has been in nearly his entire life. He is always fighting. In collaborating with Frank, I am motivated by gratitude. I want to repay him on behalf of all Ukrainians for what he does for us.

«I dream of reviving my grandmother's village»

- What helps you hold on? What do you dream about?

- That is a good question. I still live with my pre-war dreams. I have a country house in the Sumy region, which I have always loved. My grandmother used to live there, and it was always cosy and cheerful at her place. When she passed away, we bought a house next door. Growing up, I saw how the village changed. It began to decline because many people left. Even then, I dreamed of reviving this village.

During the Covid lockdown, I went there for a month and saw that people had nothing to do or entertain themselves with. I started thinking about how to change this.

I arranged with the local cultural centre to use a space to create a place for young people. I also planned to organise a rural retreat for city dwellers - giving rides in a cart, teaching people to herd geese and cows, and holding a rural rave party. Additionally, I wanted to find grandmothers who knit, embroider, or create other interesting handmade items and help them sell their crafts. Handmade work is very popular now. I even created a social media account for this village. Then the war started. But when I feel sad or lose hope, I open my laptop and write down my ideas about the village. This is now my way of recovering.

Photos: private archive and the heroine's Instagram

At the beginning of the 20th century, the newly established Ukrainian People's Republic needed brave and intelligent representatives worldwide to prove its capability as an international player, achieve recognition of the UPR as an independent state, tell the truth about Ukrainians' struggle against the Bolsheviks, and counter the fabrications of Russian propaganda.

- It needed not only male representatives but also female representatives, - says the Head of the Scientific Society of the History of Diplomacy and International Relations, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor Iryna Matiash. - Researching the history of Ukrainian diplomacy, I have often found that women were notable in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or foreign missions.

«In 1917-1919, foreign missions of more than thirty countries operated in Ukrainian cities»

Olha Pakosh: You presented two of your scientific works in Krakow - «The Female Face of Ukrainian Diplomacy. Essays. Memoirs. Interviews» and «Shared Places of Memory of Ukraine and Poland. Official and Cultural Diplomacy». How did your interest in women in diplomacy begin?

Iryna Matiash: This interest arose because I have been researching the history of the diplomatic and consular service for a long time. Furthermore, I have the honour of heading the Scientific Society of the History of Diplomacy and International Relations. From 2017 (the year of 100th anniversary of the Ukrainian diplomatic service) to 2021, under the patronage of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, we implemented the scientific and educational project «A Century of Ukrainian Diplomacy», organised youth meetings «European Values and Cultural Diplomacy» with the support of the Hanns Seidel Foundation in Ukraine, and launched, shortly before the full-scale invasion, the project «Ukraine - the World: 30 (104)».

However, the study of the history of Ukrainian diplomacy began even earlier when I was the Director of the Ukrainian Research Institute of Archival Affairs and Records Management.

In preparation for the 90th anniversary of the Ukrainian diplomatic service, we organised an exhibition of archival documents and showed foreign ambassadors in Kyiv the originals, which confirmed the presence of their countries' diplomatic representatives in Kyiv in 1918-1919. Since then, this topic has never left me.

Not everyone knew that the Ukrainian People's Republic and the Ukrainian State of Hetman Pavlo Skoropadskyi had official contacts with many countries and that during 1917-1919, foreign missions of more than thirty countries operated in Ukrainian cities.

Ukraine also sent its embassies and extraordinary diplomatic missions to various countries. The first UPR missions were sent to the signatory countries of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk during the Central Rada period. Under the Hetmanate, embassies were established in Germany, Austria-Hungary, Turkey and Bulgaria, as well as in Switzerland and Finland, missions appeared in Romania and the Scandinavian states, and representatives were appointed to the Kuban government and the Government of the Don Cossacks.

The largest number of diplomatic missions was sent by the Directorate of the UPR

Between December 1918 and January 1919, diplomatic missions were sent to Belgium, the United Kingdom, Greece, Denmark, Estonia, Italy, Latvia, Poland, Romania, the Holy See, the USA, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Sweden, Switzerland and the Caucasus to convey the truth about Ukraine and its struggle for independence to the international community.

The delegation to Paris was tasked with securing recognition of the UPR's independence by the participating states of the Paris Peace Conference, the withdrawal of foreign troops from Ukrainian territory and assistance in the fight against the Bolsheviks. To support this mission, the Ukrainian Republican Capella, led by Oleksandr Koshyts, was sent on a musical mission.

The diplomatic struggle for recognition of Ukraine's independence by European countries continued until 1926

This struggle lasted until the end of the final extraordinary diplomatic mission of the UPR in Hungary in 1924 and the formal closure of the UPR Embassy in Switzerland in 1926.

Meanwhile, Russians consistently tried to portray that Ukraine lacked diplomacy at that time and had no international contacts. By doing so, Russian scholars attempted to deny Ukraine’s statehood, as they did with other nations that were unfortunate enough to be part of the Soviet Union.

Our project «A Century of Ukrainian Diplomacy» aimed to honour Ukrainian diplomats of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1921, conduct scientific and educational activities and refute Russian theses about the inability of the Ukrainian diplomatic service to function as a state institution.

In the second project, «Ukraine - The World 30 (104): Official and Cultural Diplomacy», we sought to demonstrate that Ukrainian diplomacy did not emerge after the restoration of Ukraine’s state independence but rather a century ago. It was crucial for us to preserve this historical connection and nurture institutional memory. We recorded interviews with the first ambassadors of independent Ukraine in the early 1990s, who deposited these interviews for preservation at the Central State Archive of Audiovisual and Electronic Documents.

Researching thousands of pages of archival documents for documentary exhibitions and monographs, I always subconsciously searched for women's names. I tried to answer questions such as: who was the first woman in the Ukrainian diplomatic service? Were women allowed into leadership positions? What challenges did diplomats' wives face? How did their lives turn out? This led to the idea of highlighting the role of women in diplomacy through the figures of career diplomats and diplomats' wives, as wives are also a formidable force in diplomacy. Thus, the project «The Female Face of Ukrainian Diplomacy» was born.

Repressions against Ukrainian female diplomats

- Did this inspire you to focus on the figures of women?

- Rather, it encouraged archival searches, as information about women working in diplomatic positions is quite scattered, and memoirs often contain inaccuracies and subjective assessments.

Speaking of the beginnings of Ukrainian diplomacy, it is worth mentioning the establishment of the General Secretariat of International Affairs on December 22nd 1917. It was primarily staffed by young men, with the average age of senior officials around 30. For example, Oleksandr Shulhyn was 28 when he was appointed as the first Minister of Foreign Affairs.

The first woman to hold a leadership position in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was Nadiia Surovtsova. She entered the diplomatic service by chance but became not only the first woman to head a structural unit of the ministry but also the first spokesperson of the MFA. She began using tools that are now well-established in public diplomacy: organising an exhibition of Ukrainian embroidery and a library of Ukrainian books for the diplomatic mission at the Paris Peace Conference. Later, she used charity concerts and Ukrainian fashion shows to raise funds to support the starving in Ukraine.

By the way, in Poland, a similar position was held by Kazimiera Iłłakowiczówna, a prominent writer, poet, translator, diplomat and personal secretary to Marshal Józef Piłsudski.

As for inspiration - that would be Kateryna Hrushevska. She was the daughter of the prominent historian and head of the Ukrainian Central Rada, Mykhailo Hrushevsky, a researcher of Ukrainian folk ballads and the mythology of the world's peoples, the youngest member of the Taras Shevchenko Scientific Society in Lviv, editor of the journal «Primitive Society», an ethnologist and a victim of the repressive Soviet regime. Kateryna became one of my main heroines, prompting me to pay special attention to the figures of women in diplomacy.

Incidentally, in her mother Maria Hrushevska’s activities as the wife of the head of state (Mykhailo Hrushevsky was the head of parliament, the position of president did not exist then), one can observe the emergence of elements of public diplomacy of the first lady. According to contemporaries, Maria Hrushevska tried to correspond to her status, including in her clothing style. She followed fashion and had an appropriate wardrobe with outfits for «evening», «visiting», «strolling» and «folk» styles for participating in various cultural and social events, gatherings and business meetings. The use of vyshyvankas for public events to promote national dress can be considered an element of fashion diplomacy.

- Returning to Nadiia Surovtsova, what specifically caught your attention in her story?

- Her story is full of unexpected twists of fate. In January 1919, Nadiia Surovtsova was sent to Paris as secretary of the information bureau of the UPR delegation to participate in the Peace Conference. The plan included creating a Ukrainian library or at least a shelf of Ukrainian books. The delegation also included Dmytro Dontsov, head of the Ukrainian Telegraph Agency and Oleksandr Shulhyn, the first Minister of Foreign Affairs of the UPR.

However, most members of the delegation did not manage to reach Paris.

Returning to Kyiv was also impossible because, in early February 1919, the Bolsheviks captured the city. Many Ukrainian diplomats remained abroad. Nadiia moved to Vienna. Fluent in French and German, she initially studied at the University of Vienna and defended her dissertation on Bohdan Khmelnytsky and the Ukrainian state idea.

Soon, a diplomatic mission of Soviet Ukraine, headed by Yurii Kotsiubynsky, was established in Vienna. Among the tasks of such missions was countering the diplomatic activities of the UPR missions, which were still active in some countries. Trusting Kotsiubynsky, Surovtsova began collaborating with Soviet diplomats, participated in various events they organised and started changing her beliefs, taking an interest in the communist movement. In the spring of 1925, Nadiia returned to Kharkiv, full of hope, but she was soon repressed and exiled to Stalin’s labour camps. In exile, she realised how tragically she had been mistaken and the true evil of Soviet propaganda. She had to endure the full horrors of the GULAG.

After her release and rehabilitation, Nadiia Surovtsova returned to Uman, engaged in community activities and wrote literary works and memoirs. In her diaries, which she began writing in exile, she rethought her experiences, candidly described her mistakes and tried to erase that time from her life. Nevertheless, her diplomatic service remained the brightest part of her life.

- How did you collect materials for this research?

- That is precisely why I began discussing Nadiia Surovtsova. While reading her memoirs, I noticed certain details or inaccuracies that could only be verified through archival documents. These are scattered across various archives. The main body of archival documents related to diplomatic history, including information about Nadiia Surovtsova, is held in the Central State Archive of Supreme Authorities and Government of Ukraine. Here, one can find collections of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the UPR, diplomatic missions, foreign diplomatic representations and consulates, diplomats’ personal documents and diplomatic passports.

Extremely significant for such research are also the documents of Ukrainian emigrant organisations and figures, particularly those from the so-called Prague Archive, part of which is also preserved in the Central State Archive of Public Associations and Ukrainica. This unique collection of documents was declassified in the 1990s. A separate collection dedicated to Nadiia Surovtsova is stored in the Central State Archive-Museum of Literature and Art of Ukraine. Thus, her diplomatic career was reconstructed «drop by drop».

- I can imagine the meticulous work of reviewing hundreds of documents in search of one that might summarise everything previously found or, conversely, change the narrative entirely. What discovery impressed you the most?

- It should be noted that most female diplomats of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1921 were forced into exile or repressed. Therefore, in addition to Ukrainian archives, it is necessary to explore foreign archives.

Also deserving attention are the cases of repressed individuals held in the Sectoral State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine, and partially in the Central State Archive of Public Associations and Ukrainica. Archival research is a true detective story. It is captivating! I have always encouraged my students to approach research from this perspective. Search, assemble the pieces and build logical connections. This is how the necessary data can be uncovered.

One noteworthy discovery was Kateryna Hrushevska’s diary, found in the Central State Historical Archive in Kyiv within the Hrushevsky family collection. It had not been identified as Kateryna’s diary but was bound together with Maria Hrushevska’s diary. The manuscript contains valuable descriptions of their stay in Switzerland. I published this text in the Ukrainian Historical Journal.

Among the finds in foreign archives, my favourite is «The Diplomatic History of Ukraine» by Yevhen Slabchenko (Eugène Deslaw). Thanks to the «Klio» publishing house and the «Ukrainian Book» programme, this manuscript, discovered in Winnipeg, was published in Ukraine.

Another striking find was diplomatic passports. When you least expect to find a photo of the person you are researching and stumble upon an official document...

- Whose?

- It was incredibly significant for me to find Maria Bachynska’s passport. It is also preserved in the Central State Archive of Supreme Authorities and Government of Ukraine. A delicate, refined woman with a steel character, convictions and values. However, in the diplomatic passport photo, she appears rather informal.

‍- Maria Bachynska - she was Dmytro Dontsov’s wife, correct?

- Yes. By the way, Maria Dontsova (Bachynska) was both a woman holding a diplomatic position and the wife of a diplomatic mission staff member. Dmytro Dontsov headed the Information Bureau of the UPR Embassy in Switzerland for some time, while Maria worked as a staff member of the UPR diplomatic mission in Denmark. She was fluent in several foreign languages, which was an exceptional advantage when selecting candidates for diplomatic missions. Unfortunately, we have not yet located Maria Dontsova’s grave in New Jersey. I hope we will find it someday.

Contemporary stars and key qualities of Ukrainian diplomacy

- In modern Ukraine, female diplomats are fortunately no longer a rarity. Whom would you highlight?

- In the early 1990s, female diplomats were still a great rarity. But this was not only the case in Ukraine, it was a global trend. For instance, Nina Kovalska, Tetyana Izhevska and Natalia Zarudna recall that at the beginning of the 1990s, there were only three or four women in diplomatic positions, and the idea of a woman becoming an ambassador was entirely unrealistic.

- Who was the first female ambassador in independent Ukraine?

- After regaining independence, Nina Kovalska became the first woman appointed as an ambassador, and Natalia Zarudna became the first woman in the leadership of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, serving as Deputy State Secretary of the Ministry.

In February 1998, Nina Kovalska was appointed to Switzerland and Liechtenstein, and in July, to the Holy See (Vatican) - initially concurrently, and in 2000 as a resident ambassador.

This was an unprecedented case not only in the history of relations between Ukraine and the Holy See but also in the history of Ukrainian diplomacy as a whole, as it was the first time a woman was appointed as an ambassador to such a specific place

The embassy consisted only of her and a driver, and the entire mission operated from a single room - an incredibly modest setup. Overall, I believe that our women in diplomatic positions are people with «thirty hands and thirty heads» in the best sense: they know and can do everything. Nina Kovalska exemplified this vividly: she gave interviews, hosted students, organised the first Ukrainian-Italian conference, and made maximum efforts to prepare for Pope John Paul II's visit to Ukraine despite Russian opposition. Her work was recognised both by Ukraine and the Holy See, earning her distinctions. Nina Kovalska left the Vatican at the end of her tenure with the Grand Cross of the Order of Pius IX.

After her, another extraordinary woman, Tetyana Izhevska, was appointed ambassador to the Holy See and the first ambassador of Ukraine to the Sovereign Military Order of Malta. She served there for almost 13 years. It was Tetyana Izhevska who was called a star of diplomacy by her Polish colleague.

- Has the presence of women in diplomatic service and missions influenced the quality of diplomatic service and negotiation processes?

- This seems to be a stereotype. We have debated this topic extensively, which is why we consciously chose the term «women in diplomacy» rather than «women’s diplomacy». In our concept, the notion of «women in diplomacy» encompasses career diplomats, diplomats’ wives and leaders in the field of public diplomacy. Most successful women in ambassadorial roles respond to this question in the same way: there is no such thing as «women’s» or «men’s» diplomacy - only professionalism and a calling. To be effective in diplomacy, one must always remember the well-known three keys to diplomacy of Hennadiy Udovenko: the first is professionalism, followed by patriotism and integrity.

These qualities are not dependent on gender but on the level of education, the ability to apply knowledge in practice and self-control. Psychological resilience, language skills, negotiation ability and other factors also play a crucial role. Female diplomats emphasise that a woman’s smile is not a key argument in negotiations. The defining factor is professionalism.

«Women's Territory» is a nationwide organisation that has united women worldwide. Over nearly 11 years of existence, they have implemented dozens of projects, including cultural ones. The head of the organisation, Liliia Shevchenko, believes that a person who knows their roots automatically understands who they are and what they must do to preserve their country. The full-scale war has altered the organisation's operations. They have already delivered over five hundred tonnes of humanitarian aid to military personnel and civilians. They support families of prisoners of war and help women who have experienced violence. Moreover, they are expanding their presence in Europe.

Nataliia Zhukovska: Ms Liliia, you are the head of the «Women's Territory» organisation. What is this territory like?

Liliia Shevchenko: Our nationwide public organisation «Women's Territory» was founded by ideologically driven women who live and breathe Ukraine. This is not an empty phrase but the pure truth. «Women's Territory» is neither defined nor limited by borders. It is not only the territory of those residing in Ukraine but also the territory of women worldwide, especially now, when millions of Ukrainian women, fleeing war, have found temporary refuge in many European countries. We want to help them systematically. So, we decided that «Women's Territory» would now operate under the umbrella of the host country and its laws. Currently, work on the documents for «Women's Territory» in Poland is nearing completion. We have held talks with representatives from the Polish Ministry of Social Policy and with relocated Ukrainian businesses and Polish businesses. How will they help Ukrainian women in Poland? Primarily by organising Sunday schools. This is important so that children while learning about the culture of their host country, do not forget their Ukrainian heritage. Given that Ukraine is in a full-scale war and most funds from businesses and ministries are allocated to military needs, there is insufficient funding from the Ministry of Education for books and educational materials for children abroad. One of the tasks of «Women's Territory» is not only to establish Sunday schools but also to print books. We have already held talks with the «Gutenberg» publishing house. We will distribute books for free, starting with our Sunday schools.

We already have a developed base, so organising work in Poland will not be difficult. One of our members opened the first art school in Warsaw at the end of 2022 and has already received small grants from the local Polish authorities. The school offers free art classes to both Ukrainian and Polish children.

One of the messages of «Women's Territory» is that we not only take from the countries that shelter us but also give to them

We have provided Europe with qualified specialists. Due to the war in Ukraine, many educators, medical professionals and managers moved to the EU. Many of them have already had their diplomas recognised. For instance, our member, who led «Women's Territory» in Dnipro, now lives in Gdansk, has confirmed her qualifications, and is a qualified lawyer. Her mother also verified her diploma and works as a dentist. So, we offer our knowledge and services to the Polish people as well. We want the Poles to understand that they do not only give but also receive. This will also be one of the tasks of «Women's Territory» in Poland.

We will also focus on women's leadership and gender issues. A woman must understand her status and significance in society.

How has the organisation's work changed since the start of the full-scale war?

«Women's Territory» shifted 90 per cent towards volunteer activities. In Poland, for example, we partnered with several Polish foundations that had a 400-square-metre volunteer warehouse in Warsaw. We are grateful to the Poles for covering its rental costs for an extended period. It was packed to the ceiling with humanitarian aid, ranging from clothing and food to expensive medical supplies, which we distributed to Ukrainian hospitals. For example, we had diffuser devices, each costing around 2500 euros, with over a thousand in stock. We equipped hospitals with beds, X-ray machines, and vitamins. Both Ukrainians and Poles worked at the warehouse. We dispatched trucks loaded with aid based on recipients' requests and provided support to relocated family-type children's homes and care facilities for the elderly. We received tourniquets and body armour and raised funds for drones. We did not merely adapt to new challenges - we also helped others adapt to them.

Who are the members of your organisation?

There are around two thousand of us. There are women, heads of departments, who have their own public organisations and foundations. For example, our member is Iryna Mikhniuk - a widow, the wife of a fallen Hero of Ukraine. Since 2014, she has headed the organisation «Wings of the Eighth Hundred» - it consists of widows, wives of the fallen, and children. In Ukraine, there are already 19 officially registered branches of ours. The team includes women from various professions and financial backgrounds, but with a shared ideological mindset and vision. There are also military personnel, such as Viktoria Khrystenko, who was the first adviser to the Admiral of the Ukrainian Navy.

In my team, there is a board member of «Women's Territory» from Donetsk, Alina Khaletska, who was forced to flee her native city. Her family had a unique background. Her husband worked for the Donetsk administration, and she herself is a lecturer, professor and academician. They left everything behind when they fled. Upon arriving in Irpin, they worked hard to save money and eventually started purchasing a flat. Sadly, during the full-scale war, it was destroyed by an enemy shell. They endured the occupation in Irpin. In other words, they have lived through occupation twice in their lifetime. This woman was offered work abroad. Where do you think she is? In Irpin. She does not wish to leave Ukraine.

What problems do women approach you with?

Many women joined us when we became part of the coalition «Women, Peace, Security». These are activists fighting for women's leadership and supporting victims of violence. In Ukraine, this remains a major issue, especially in places like Bucha and Irpin. You are likely familiar with some of these stories. There is much I know but cannot share publicly. Our agreement is to not speak of experiences unless we were participants. I am a witness. These are stories lived by women, girls, or children. They share their stories themselves if they wish to. All stories are heavy. How do we support them? I always advocate for mutual assistance and supporting one another. It is crucial to speak with them very carefully, as every word can be traumatising.

We help them regain their footing, providing a sense of sisterhood and the reassurance that they are not alone - that we stand together

We stress that anyone could find themselves in a similar situation. Our message is one of solidarity. Sometimes, we involve these women in processes by seeking their help to show them they are needed. Engagement, even minimal, can serve as a distraction and relief. We have no formal programme for this, our approach has been refined over many years.

Additionally, through a memorandum of cooperation with municipal employment centres, we assist women in retraining and finding jobs. We collaborate closely with the Ministry of Veterans. Many of the women in «Women's Territory» are defenders who were once civilians. We were the first to help sew military uniforms and undergarments for women. We also sourced anatomical body armour specifically designed for them.

What has the organisation accomplished during its existence?

Our lives are now divided into «before» and «after» the full-scale war. Prior to it, we had a powerful project that united Ukrainian children living abroad. We also established the International Festival of Cultural and Creative Industries, known as «Women's Territory», which we later renamed «Masters' Territory». If not for the full-scale war, this festival would have received funding from the Ministry of Culture and Information Policy. It was a platform that elevated Ukrainian crafts, demonstrating that Ukrainian products are not merely sold at fairs and markets, but even in five-star hotels. For now, this project has been put on hold. Today, we focus on uniting Ukrainian women abroad.

We strive to ensure that Ukraine is not forgotten. Our initial focus is on registering «Women's Territory» in Poland and France. Next, we plan for Belgium, Switzerland, Germany and Spain

We have provided female defenders with over 1200 boxes containing first-aid kits, vitamins, special olive-based creams to prevent skin cracking and even perfumes.

Every woman should feel like a woman, no matter where she is. We even provided hair dye tailored to their colour types. Once, I asked the women to take photos for a media campaign to raise funds for these boxes. They sent back pictures - clean, with hairstyles and manicures. It turned out they had travelled to a district centre and, using their own money, found skilled manicure artists and hairdressers. They told me, «Lilia, when we opened these boxes, we felt like we were at home». You see, they received a psychological breath of happiness.

Your organisation has helped women with children evacuate from dangerous areas to avoid occupation. How did this happen, and how many people have you assisted?

We do not have exact numbers on how many people we have helped. We evacuated people from Melitopol, Berdyansk, Kherson, Donetsk region, and the left, already occupied, bank of the Zaporizhzhia region. Of course, we were assisted by the military. I am unsure if I am allowed to disclose the details of every rescue story. I will share one - the story of a mother with two children who were leaving Melitopol. At that time, her daughter was 15, and her son was three years old. Their father was in the Armed Forces of Ukraine. If the Russians had found this out, they would have been executed. She instructed her children to remain silent and, if necessary, to respond only in Russian. On their way, Russian soldiers armed with weapons boarded the bus to conduct checks. Approaching them, the muzzle of a rifle hanging on one soldier's shoulder accidentally pressed against the child's head. The boy was so terrified that he wets himself to this day. They were interrogated, their phone SIM cards were examined, and the family endured multiple rounds of hell. It later turned out they were fortunate that the child was not undressed. Only later did the mother notice a hidden sheet of A4 paper on her son's chest. On it was a drawing of his father in military uniform, with a flag and the words «Glory to Ukraine!». The boy had placed that drawing there himself. To him, it represented Ukraine, his life. If the Russians had seen that drawing, they would have been executed. We have many such stories.

Do you keep in touch with the families you have assisted?

Someday, I will revisit those lists. But for now, our priority is to officially establish «Women's Territory» in Europe and America. We are resilient, genuine, and active. We are women accustomed to giving, not taking. Perhaps in time, I will become more interested in the fates of those we have helped. However, I often question whether reaching out would be beneficial or if it might unintentionally bring harm.

You travel abroad frequently. What do you talk about there, how do foreigners react, and what interests them most?

I talk about the solidarity and resilience of the Ukrainian people. I share the harsh realities of war we face, the immense challenges, and our efforts to overcome them. My message is always framed to emphasise the need for support in these efforts. I say, «We are taking action, not standing by. Help us in this war in any way you can - through expertise, humanitarian aid, or military support». We consistently highlight the need to support the Ukrainian army, and I know our message is being heard.

«Women's Territory» supports prisoners of war and continuously participates in various campaigns. Do you believe these efforts contribute to exchanges?

Absolutely. We have been supporting the families of prisoners of war since the start of the war in 2014. We organise events with the mothers, wives, and children of captured marines. Do you remember those taken prisoner in Crimea at the beginning of the war? We brought the mother and daughter of one of the marines to the UN so that their speech could raise awareness and tell the truth about the war in Ukraine. Any information campaign must be planned and ongoing. Such initiatives not only ensure that the world does not forget those in captivity but also help the relatives of prisoners of war feel they are not alone, preventing them from being lost in their grief. Tragedy unites. We have many poignant stories related to the return of prisoners of war. Recently, there was a soldier on the list who had been eagerly awaited by everyone. They thought he had come back. However, it turned out it was not him. The surname was the same, but the first name was different.

You also conduct training sessions for government institutions on communication with veterans and their families. What are the key principles you focus on?

I will illustrate with the example of the Kyiv City Employment Centre. Engaging with a military veteran, a defender or a servicewoman, requires a particular approach. For instance, we - as empaths - often feel the urge to approach a soldier on the street and say, «Thank you for your service. Glory to Ukraine». We might want to hug them and say, «You are a hero!». Yet, almost none of this should be said or done. These are triggers. If you call them heroes, they often do not perceive themselves that way. This is why we educate not only employees of state institutions but also the civilian population. The most important thing is teaching how to understand and engage with these individuals. For example, when they come to the Kyiv City Employment Centre, the manager who interacts with them must be highly qualified and aware that every soldier might experience flashbacks. We train them to pay attention to facial expressions, eyes, and behaviour. Employees of such institutions must be prepared for any possible scenario because almost all soldiers have experienced concussions. Furthermore, there must be barrier-free access and inclusivity.

Veterans must be actively involved in rebuilding Ukraine after the war, not left idle at home

Sociologists warn of a crisis facing the country after the war, particularly a demographic one. Do you think Ukrainian women will return from Europe after the victory? What steps are needed to ensure this?

I am unsure if I can speak openly about this, but yes, we are facing a demographic crisis. A baby boom will not be enough to solve this. We are exploring solutions because it concerns our future. Will women return from abroad? The longer the full-scale war continues, the less likely it becomes. Many divorces are happening now. Numerous women have adapted to their children's needs, and most of these children are assimilating into the societies where they now live. We have already encountered such cases among my members. They lived abroad. The daughter wanted to return, but the son did not. He had adapted, made friends, and was better accepted in his class than he had been at home. He likes the new country.

We must understand that parents' decisions will be influenced by their children. Therefore, we need to prioritise working with children abroad

Moreover, many women abroad have managed to realise themselves better or earn more than they did at home. For example, she was a nurse in a hospital in western Ukraine, and now she works as a nurse in Wroclaw. In Poland, she earns significantly more. Our officials must listen to society and start developing a programme to bring Ukrainian women home today. «Women's Territory» will undoubtedly contribute to this effort, primarily with its experience and resources. After all, we live in this country - to defend, revive, and provide it with a future. Fortunately, the majority of «Women's Territory» members abroad understand this.

Traumatised by uncertainty

Olga Pakosh: How traumatised is contemporary Ukrainian society? How would you characterise it?

Michał Bilewicz: We cannot say that the entire society suffers from PTSD. If that were the case, people would likely struggle to function normally. Let me remind you that PTSD symptoms include persistent flashbacks, intrusive thoughts about war and the inability to concentrate on anything else. Meanwhile, we see that the Ukrainian state is functioning - the economy is operating, and daily life goes on.

Ukraine increasingly resembles Israel - a society living under constant threat.

Israeli psychologist Daniel Bar-Tal described this phenomenon as an «intractable conflict», where society adapts to continuous conflict, accepting it as a natural state of affairs. He also wrote about the «ethos of conflict», referring to how societies grow accustomed to living in a state of war.

What does this look like in Israel? When I visited, I was always struck by the fact that every flat has a safe room that doubles as a bomb shelter. Residents go to this room whenever an alarm sounds. After all, the advanced Iron Dome missile defence system is not entirely foolproof - missiles occasionally hit homes.

It seems that Israeli society has adapted to living with war. On the one hand, it functions normally, but on the other, conflict is a constant presence. We are not only talking about the war in Gaza but about a phenomenon that, with some interruptions, has persisted throughout modern Israeli history. As Bar-Tal points out, this situation erodes social trust and influences attitudes towards international politics - people are reluctant to seek alliances and agreements with other nations, feeling that the world is hostile and untrustworthy.

For Ukraine, the key objective is to join European structures - the European Union and NATO - as quickly as possible. This could ensure Ukraine’s future security and stable economic functioning. However, for this to work, it is essential to avoid slipping into the mentality typical of societies accustomed to war.

Since 2014, Ukraine has been in a constant state of war, with varying levels of intensity, and this is extremely dangerous. Therefore, I would describe Ukrainian society as one that is, to some extent, adapting to life in wartime conditions.

- The war in Ukraine has opened up vast areas for research in social and clinical psychology. No doubt you have been following these studies. Have you encountered anything surprising? Have you conducted joint studies with Ukrainian institutions?

- We have conducted two studies. Together with Anna Hromova, a PhD candidate from the Institute of Social and Political Psychology at the National Academy of Pedagogical Sciences of Ukraine, we examined almost five thousand Ukrainian refugees living in Poland to study the prevalence of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and the degree of trauma. We also looked into how living conditions in Poland affect the development of PTSD symptoms and reflected on whether post-migration experiences might intensify trauma, and if so, in what ways.

As you may recall from the book, I was surprised by the findings of previous research, which showed that PTSD rates in Poland ranged from 20 to 30 per cent. For example, in studies conducted in Silesia after the floods, 30 per cent of the population exhibited PTSD symptoms. Even among students who visited the Auschwitz museum, 15 per cent were diagnosed with PTSD. These numbers have always been exceptionally high.

In our study of Ukrainian refugee women in Poland, we found a PTSD rate of 47 per cent. I must say, I have never seen such a result in my life. This is indeed a very high level of trauma

It is a consequence not only of the traumatic wartime experiences but also of the conditions in which the refugees find themselves after migrating.

- Could you explain why the level of trauma is so high?

- Typically, PTSD studies are conducted after a conflict ends, when peace returns. In our study, we dealt with an ongoing war, where the women surveyed continue to live in a state of uncertainty. Their husbands are often on the front lines or at risk of being called up, which adds to the stress.

The vast majority of these women face acculturation challenges (the process of mutual cultural influence, where one culture adopts aspects of another - Edit.) in the new society. Acculturation-related stress, including experiences or fears of discrimination in Poland, leads to more intense PTSD symptoms. It is harder for people to move past war trauma when they encounter discrimination in the country they have moved to. Therefore, it is crucial that Poland creates the most supportive environment possible for Ukrainian refugees, as this directly impacts their mental health and their ability to function well in Poland.

Of course, the intensity of PTSD symptoms also depends on individual characteristics. We noticed that people who struggle with uncertainty managed the worst. We remember how things were in the spring of 2022 - full of uncertainty and chaos. People with low tolerance for uncertainty were more prone to PTSD, whereas those who coped better with such situations were less likely to experience symptoms.

«During war trust in the government is essential»

- You mentioned two studies. What was the focus of the second one?

- The second study, which we conducted in collaboration with Ukrainians, was focused on Ukraine itself and examined how complex PTSD experiences influence various forms of distrust and conspiracy theories. I have been interested for some time in how these traumas can shape such attitudes. I observe this phenomenon in Poland as well:

Historical traumas cause people, even generations later, to continue viewing their surroundings as unreliable and to seek out conspiracy theories

It seems that something similar is happening in Ukraine. When I speak with Ukrainians, I often hear conspiracy theories about President Zelensky - for instance, that there are Russian agents among his close associates. This reflects a certain level of fundamental distrust towards politicians, which, in wartime, is very dangerous. The greater the social cohesion and trust in the authorities, the better it is for the country. Even if the authorities do not always act perfectly - and with issues like corruption in our part of Europe, we know this is sometimes the case - in a war situation, trust in the government is essential.

A similar issue relates to trust in science. We studied this in Ukraine, focusing on how much people trust health and medical services, particularly regarding vaccination. We found that people with stronger PTSD symptoms tend to have less trust in science. We are not yet certain in which direction this correlation moves - this is preliminary research - but we are interested in whether war experiences and trauma impact overall distrust or if people simply lose trust in various areas of life. This is a quite dangerous phenomenon, and it often arises in wartime conditions.

- How can this trust be restored? What could help Ukrainians to endure and maintain mental stability until victory?

- Certainly, restoring a sense of agency in daily life - the awareness that what one does has meaning, that one can plan something and carry it out. 

The more people feel capable, the better they will function. This is why combating corruption is so essential, as it robs people of the feeling that they have any control over their lives. They know that everything is decided for them, and they have no influence. Effective anti-corruption measures can significantly improve the mental health of society.

- Unfortunately, war poses a massive threat to that sense of agency, doesn’t it?

- War complicates this greatly, which is why it is important for people to be able to say, «Even if war hinders certain plans, at least in other areas of life, nothing can stand in my way». It is crucial to help people regain this sense, as war fundamentally destroys it, stripping away their feeling of control. It is vital that people can maintain control and agency in their daily lives.

«Poland has no right to write Ukraine’s history»

- How do you think Poles' attitudes towards Ukrainians have changed since the start of the war? How do Poles perceive Ukrainians now?

- In my book, I try to counter a fatalistic outlook, as Poles tend to complain about themselves. I think Ukrainians do the same. We do not criticise ourselves when speaking with Germans or French people, but among ourselves, we often criticise one another.

Poles tend to think of themselves as biased, inhospitable, full of stereotypes. However, what we saw in the spring of 2022 was entirely different - a huge societal mobilisation to help Ukraine. People were sending money to buy weapons, purchasing food, and bringing people from the border. One in every twenty Poles welcomed Ukrainians into their homes. These were unprecedented actions.

I do not know of any other European society that has carried out such a large-scale relief effort, organised not by the government but by ordinary citizens

Of course, this was also supported by the strong networks among Ukrainians already living in Poland. It is important to remember that there were already a million Ukrainians residing in Poland at the time, who supported their relatives and friends. This was one of the key elements that made this large-scale aid possible.

At the same time, our research indicated not only significant sympathy but also strong support for aiding Ukraine, particularly in the acceptance of refugees. This was interesting, as Poles are generally not particularly supportive of refugees. Ukrainian citizens benefitted from the fact that Poles already had experience interacting with them. When we ask Poles whether they personally know any Arabs, 80 to 90 per cent respond that they have never encountered any in their lives. A similar situation applies to Romani people, with around 80 per cent of Poles reporting they have never had contact with them. When asked about Jews, 90 per cent of Poles claim they do not personally know any. However, the responses to questions about Ukrainians yield different results: even before the war, around half of Poles personally knew some Ukrainians.

A large number of Ukrainians, particularly from Western Ukraine, have been coming to Poland for years to work. Following 2014, Ukrainians from eastern regions, including Russian-speaking individuals, also began arriving in Poland. Poles became acquainted with them and observed that they were very similar to themselves. These relationships were not superficial - they were not just with Ukrainian workers in shops, but also with colleagues, and with parents of children attending the same schools as Polish children. This prepared Poles for 2022, as these refugees were no longer strangers - they were people whom Poles knew and had relationships with.

I believe that if the situation were reversed, and war broke out in Poland, Ukrainians would similarly take in Poles. Polish-Ukrainian relations are strong and mutually supportive.

It should also be noted that, before the war, there was considerable hatred directed at Ukrainians on the internet, particularly concerning the Volyn tragedy and war crimes. However, following 2022, this topic has almost vanished. Unfortunately, it is now gradually resurfacing, although these past two years have allowed us to step back from this issue.

In terms of Poles’ attitudes towards Ukrainians, enthusiasm for assistance has somewhat declined, yet the majority of Poles still believe that Ukrainian refugees should be supported and that Poland must continue backing Ukraine in the ongoing conflict. Well over half of Poles hold this view, so it cannot be said that Polish society has turned away from Ukraine and its people. We are still a long way from that.

- This is good news. However, the subject of Volyn has resurfaced, this time through the voice of the Prime Minister. Donald Tusk stated that until all details surrounding the Volyn tragedy are clarified and exhumations conducted, Poland will not support Ukraine’s path to the European Union...

- I believe this was a reaction to certain events. After Dmytro Kuleba ceased to be minister, the issue somewhat subsided. It was indeed an unfortunate comment. On one hand, I believe that Minister Kuleba spoke the truth, but as a diplomat, he ought not to have said it at that moment and in response to such a question. However, the time will come when Poles will need to raise the issue of Operation «Vistula» and earnestly confront it.

Of course, it can be argued that the actions were those of the communists, not the Polish people, that it was the communist government of a state that no longer exists. However, it is essential to remember the complex interwar politics of Poland, which discriminated against Ukrainians. I know this well, as I myself come from Ukraine. My grandmother was from Kolomyia, and my grandfather from Ivano-Frankivsk, so I am aware of what happened there before the war and of Poland’s discriminatory policies towards Ukrainians.

- How can the issue of the Volyn tragedy be resolved on both historical and political levels so that it is no longer a burden on Polish-Ukrainian relations? You summarised it well in your book: «to talk about history, but not live in it».

- Vadym Vasyutynsky of the Institute of Social and Political Psychology at the National Academy of Pedagogical Sciences of Ukraine conducted an interesting study, which he began before the full-scale war and continued afterwards. As far as I recall, he asked Ukrainians, in a large sample, whether Ukrainians caused more harm or good to Poles throughout their shared history.

After 2022, the number of people acknowledging that there were also negative events, including crimes, in these relations increased. This indicates that Ukrainians are becoming more open to discussing challenging moments in their shared history with Poles.

I pondered over why this might be. Perhaps, after 2022, Ukrainians realised just how important good relations with Poland and the West are? Politically, we see that, for example, former President Viktor Yushchenko referred to the traditions of the UPA, even highlighting some of the more controversial aspects of history, including the forces that collaborated with the Germans during the war. In contrast, Volodymyr Zelensky tends to avoid this. It seems to me that there has been a noticeable shift from Yushchenko to Zelensky in terms of which aspects of history are suitable and necessary to highlight, such as the Carpathian Sich…

- Am I correct in understanding that you suggest celebrating other stages of Ukrainian history, rather than those that may be painful for Poland?

- Exactly. When considering our history, one can always choose different elements to promote and to build one’s identity upon. Some elements damage our relations - both Polish and Ukrainian ones. If Poles were to build their identity on the history of Jeremi Wiśniowiecki, who killed Cossacks, it would not be beneficial for relations with Ukraine, would it?

I believe there are excellent periods in our history worth highlighting. For instance, Ivan Franko, or figures like Petliura, who, despite mixed views among Ukrainians, is well-regarded by Poles.

Of course, Poland does not have the right to write Ukraine’s history. Please do not ask me about this, as it is a question for Ukrainians. Likewise, Ukrainians do not have the right to write Poland’s history.

However, I can express my dissatisfaction when Poles avoid taking a clear stance on Operation «Vistula» and fail to say: «Yes, a terrible wrong was committed, with masses of people forcibly relocated, deprived of land on which they had lived for generations.» It was wrong, just like the pacification of Ukrainian villages before the war, the destruction of the «Maslosoyuz» cooperative and Ukrainian cooperatives, and the imprisonment and torture of Ukrainian politicians by the authorities of the Second Polish Republic. Poland needs to acknowledge this, to learn to speak about it, and to engage in dialogue with Ukrainians.

As for Ukraine, this is a matter for Ukrainian historians - how they propose to present their history. My ideal scenario would be what Poland eventually achieved with Germany after many years: the creation of a joint commission to prepare textbooks.

Historians and educators, both Polish and Ukrainian, could collaborate on a joint textbook to teach Polish-Ukrainian history. This would be incredibly valuable, even if the textbook did not become the primary one used in all schools

It is essential to create spaces where we can collectively discuss how to present this history. It is not about idealising everything but rather about speaking openly, even about the difficult moments. However, it is also important to remember that the situation was asymmetrical: Poland was a coloniser, while Ukraine was a colonised country. This is not a matter of equal responsibility on both sides.

Understanding this context allows for a deeper comprehension of how the events in Volyn occurred. It is also necessary to conduct exhumations and to openly acknowledge that what happened was horrific and should never have taken place.

- It appears there is much work ahead to achieve understanding between Poles and Ukrainians, but with Russians… Is there even a possibility of ever reaching an understanding with them? How do you view this from the perspective of social psychology? Will we ever be able to forgive?

- When we attempt to reconcile nations that have experienced brutal wars, we typically start with moral exemplars. We try to show that even in dark times, people can act morally. For instance, we tell the story of a Russian schoolgirl who had the courage to protest against the war. We are not speaking about an adult, but a young person who not only faces persecution herself but whose entire family suffers as a result of her protest. Such individual acts of defiance demonstrate that even within Russia, one can find people with moral convictions.

This is reminiscent of the situation with Germany after the Second World War. Reconciliation with Germany was made possible because we recognised that, despite much of society supporting Hitler, there were Germans who were persecuted and imprisoned in concentration camps, such as Buchenwald. These were Germans who wished to appeal to a different history. I believe similar individuals can be found in Russia. However, the problem is that, at present, Russia is a country where, on the one hand, the war enjoys substantial support, and on the other, no opinion polls or surveys can be trusted, as people are intimidated.

It resembles living in a state run by a gang

- How much time will need to pass before this topic can be approached?

- Let’s discuss this once the war is over. I think, at this moment, no one in Ukraine wants to hear about it or hear the Russian language - this is entirely understandable, and Ukrainians have an absolute right to feel this way. It depends on the situation and on what Russia looks like post-war. The key will be whether Russians can rebuild their state on a different foundation and set of principles.

The first day of school for Ukrainian schoolchildren — September 2 — began to the accompaniment of Russian rockets. Instead of sweet sleep in their beds, the children were forced to flee to the bomb shelters, where they tried to get at least a little more sleep. But the enemy did not stop the attack, firing more than a dozen cruise missiles and about a dozen ballistic missiles at Kyiv alone. And in two days, the most tragic event in Lviv happened - during the attack, a whole family died - a mother and three daughters. But, despite this, Ukraine continues to live. Indomitable Ukrainians demonstrate their strength and power in dances, at exhibitions, on catwalks. Because the Russian enemy is unable to do one thing - break the spirit of Ukrainians.

Text: Natalya Ryaba

On September 7, demonstrators staged a protest in Prague, holding blue and yellow umbrellas. The participants of the rally called for effective air defense for Ukraine and to give it the opportunity to strike back. Demonstrators created a "map" of Ukraine using blue and yellow umbrellas.

‍

Students of the International Academy of Personnel Management watch as rescuers put out a fire in one of the buildings of the university after a rocket attack on Kyiv on September 2, 2024. While hiding in the bomb shelter, the students heard the whistling of rockets and explosions.

‍

Ukrainian military medics render aid to a wounded Ukrainian soldier at a stabilization point in the Chasiv Yar region on September 6, 2024.

‍

A Ukrainian servicewoman talks on the phone with her children. On September 13, Russia and Ukraine conducted another exchange of prisoners. 49 Ukrainians returned home — 23 women and 26 men. For the first time in a long time, it was possible to return the "Azovs" to Ukraine. The United Arab Emirates helped organize the exchange.

‍

Ukrainian schoolchildren sing the national anthem during the ceremony for the beginning of the new academic year in Lviv, September 2, 2024.

‍

September 4 became the most tragic for Lviv during the entire war. A mother and her three daughters were killed in the attack. Only the father remained alive. The whole city came to the funeral of the dead. As a result of shelling in Lviv, seven people died, 66 were injured. Also, 188 buildings were damaged, including 19 architectural monuments.

‍

A couple looks at posters depicting fallen Ukrainian soldiers of the Azov Brigade at an open-air exhibition in Kyiv on September 23, 2024.

‍

Freya Brown, a dog trainer in the British Army, with her military dog ​​Zac during a training session with Ukrainian army personnel, at a barracks in the East Midlands, U.K., September 10, 2024. Two years after invasion, large areas of Ukraine are covered in landmines and unexploded ordnance, including cluster munitions, and dogs play a key role in keeping soldiers and civilians safe.

Presentation of Veronika Danilova's collection as part of Ukrainian Fashion Week, September 1, 2024. The designer dedicated her collection called "Garden of the Clouds" to her homeland, inspired by memories of a Ukrainian garden and blossoming apple trees.

‍

Ruslan Baginskiy hats on Madonna, Guzema jewellery in the series «Emily in Paris», Beyoncé and Jennifer Lopez in dresses by Ivan Frolov, Heidi Klum in an outfit by Lesia Verlingieri on the red carpet in Cannes… The Western world’s interest in Ukrainian brands is growing, and Ukrainians are being invited to participate in global fashion weeks. In September - for the first time during the war - a fashion week was held in Kyiv - Ukrainian Fashion Week (UFW).

After two and a half years of forced absence in Ukraine, it returned to support the Ukrainian fashion industry and amplify Ukraine's voice globally. Over four days, sixty-one brands, including ten new names, presented their vision for the spring-summer 2025 season. Yet, in the context of war, the collections shown were less about fashion and more about resilience and revival. Today, we can say that this fashion week is a historic event for Ukraine.

«People want to live, work and be effective», explains UFW co-founder and head of the organising committee Iryna Danylevska. Sestry spoke with Iryna about the social dimension of fashion and poignant designer statements at UFW 2025, as well as about 2.5 years of Ukrainian fashion abroad.

«The world must understand: if all talented Ukrainians are killed, it will be impoverished»

Oksana Goncharuk: Returning to Ukraine after two and a half years of working abroad - a difficult decision…

Iryna Danylevska: Over these two and a half years, we organised twenty-nine runway events in London, Berlin, Budapest, Lisbon, Vienna, Copenhagen, thereby supporting the Ukrainian fashion industry. But fashion brands are not the entire industry, so we - despite all risks - returned home.

We set three goals: to support the industry and Ukrainians, to demonstrate the need to be effective for the country during the war, and to ensure that Ukraine continues to resonate globally.

Not only the appeals of our politicians, not only reports on destroyed homes and civilian deaths should continuously circulate worldwide. Instead, we wanted to show Ukraine as a country of not only courageous but also talented people. So that those who, somewhere abroad, view photos from UFW held in Kyiv during wartime, come to understand: if all these talented people here are killed, the world will be impoverished.

- How many countries have seen our fashion during the war?

- Since the start of the war, we have held shows in 12 countries. These were exclusively official events such as fashion weeks or major international exhibitions.

It was a revelation for us that global fashion, which is considered a highly competitive environment, was ready for solidarity

They did not just lend us their catwalks but created special conditions, understanding how difficult it is for Ukrainian brands to survive during the war. London, Budapest, Berlin, Lisbon, Los Angeles - everywhere we had comfortable conditions for shows. Some provided free venues, some paid for models, some - like Berlin Fashion Week - could, with state support, invite our young designers and cover their tickets and accommodation. This was powerful support for which we are sincerely grateful.

- Where did the first Ukrainian show during the war take place?

- In Malta, in the summer of 2022. Designer Nadiya Dzyak participated in Malta Fashion Week. Models walked the runway with yellow and blue scarves, and our wheat-and-sky flag was displayed on the backdrop. The organisers also requested that we record a video message explaining events in Ukraine, which they played repeatedly.

- Did any state institutions ever offer you assistance?

- Everything was on our initiative and personal connections.

However, when we needed male designers to travel to London or Copenhagen, we sought help from the Ministry of Culture and Information Policy. We are very grateful to USAID (the United States Agency for International Development, which provides non-military aid - Edit.), which implements the «Competitive Economy of Ukraine» programme. Thanks to grants from the fund, we held five events.

Fashion Created in Bomb Shelters

- How did you personally react to the start of the war before realising action was necessary?

- I awoke immediately. Only a week had passed since the full-scale invasion, and we were already writing letters to all global fashion organisations, proposing six effective steps to support Ukraine. We advised hiring Ukrainians from the fashion sector who had found themselves abroad, avoiding collaboration with Russian models or brands. We asked employees of large fashion corporations to write letters to their leaders to encourage them to help Ukraine. We also provided several specific addresses for assistance - verified charitable foundations.

In March, the initiative Support Ukrainian Fashion (SUF) was born. We sent 16 letters, informing colleagues that Ukrainian fashion brands were on the verge of survival. We immediately received 12 responses with offers of support and acceptance. Among the first to respond were Copenhagen, Berlin, Budapest, Bucharest and Vienna.

- Did you consider leaving the country with your family?

- No, because we knew we could be useful at home. Our entire family made this decision. I focused on fashion brands, our daughter Dana, a professional psychotherapist, continued her practice. My husband, Volodymyr Nechiporuk (UFW's general producer - Edit.), who has volunteered and helped wounded soldiers since 2014, immediately chose this path. We divided tasks to be as effective as possible.

At the start of the war, we did send our grandchildren to relatives in the Ternopil region, but they returned after two months. Since then, we have all lived together in a house near Kyiv. When there are attacks and it becomes dangerous, we hide in the garage, which is buried on three sides and serves as a shelter.

- How does the Ukrainian Fashion Week team work on its messages? How should we speak to the world today to be heard?

- That is a very good question, as we must constantly think about what we want to convey. Over the two and a half years of war and four fashion seasons, we have adjusted these messages multiple times.

For example, in early 2023, we needed the world's support and donations. At London Fashion Week, we held a joint show of collections created during the war by three Ukrainian brands (KSENIASCHNAIDER, PASKAL and FROLOV). At the end of the show, the designers appeared with a Ukrainian flag bearing the UNITED24 logo (a fundraising platform collecting aid for Ukraine worldwide - Edit.).

In 2023, before each show, we wrote letters to guests instead of releases, explaining that the collections they were about to see were created amid the sounds of alarms, during explosions and blackouts…

So that everyone understood that the collections were made by brave and resilient people.

Later, when talk began of the need to «negotiate», we added to our messages that we are being killed simply because we want to be Ukrainians in an independent state.

It is important to always bridge the emotional with the official to convey that we must win this war - otherwise, it will keep repeating, as Russia will not allow us to be free.

This season, we held shows in Budapest, Berlin and Copenhagen. Copenhagen Fashion Week is about sustainability, environmental awareness and sustainable development. The Danes respond strongly to issues of ecology and nature preservation. When we discussed with designers what message to convey to the guests, we came up with the idea of telling them about our Askania-Nova biosphere reserve. Okay, you care about nature preservation - then look at how Europe's largest steppe reserve is being destroyed in plain sight, literally obliterated by the Russians.

To tell the story of Askania-Nova, we chose Ukrainian vytynanka - one of the most vivid traditional forms of our craft. Imagine: the entire second floor of the Ukrainian House in Denmark was filled with vytynanky depicting zebras, herons, other animals and birds, as well as plants from the reserve. It was against this backdrop that the new collections were presented.

- How impactful are your messages?

- We have not broken the system, but we have contributed to helping Europeans and Americans understand what is really happening.

The power of culture is in its constant, emotional and sincere expression. People need to encounter reminders everywhere: Ukrainians are fighting for freedom, for the right to be Ukrainian. Some are born with the right to be free, while Ukrainians must fight for this right.

«War drives us to fulfil old dreams, as it is uncertain if there will be a tomorrow»

- You mentioned that the fashion industry froze at the start of the war. How is it today?

- The market froze, not the industry. In 2022, Ukrainian designers simply shifted their production to military needs, began sewing for the army, which suddenly grew due to volunteers. Every sphere suffers during war, but most designer brands have survived - thanks to our support, the move towards exports and an increase in online sales.

There are phenomena that were born during the war. Antonina Belinska, a talented movie costume designer, had always dreamed of her own clothing brand.

After overcoming the initial shock of the war, she finally dared to make this dream a reality and created the brand TONiA. To me, this is a poignant story about how the uncertainty of tomorrow pushes us to fulfil our dreams today.

- Are Ukrainian designers involved in creating military uniforms, particularly for women?

- The Veteranka sewing workshop creates winter, demi-season and summer military uniforms. In two years, this workshop has produced 1291 units of women’s tactical clothing.

Since the start of the large-scale war, Veteranka has received hundreds of requests from female soldiers asking for adjustments to the men’s uniforms they were issued. Therefore, the workshop focused on sewing high-quality women's military uniforms, which are provided free of charge to female defenders upon request.

- When you decided that UFW would happen, were the designers ready to accept this challenge?

- We began discussing fashion week in Ukraine as early as November 2023. Even then, designers started writing and calling me.

On the very first day, we announced that applications were open, 25 were submitted. This only strengthened our belief that such an event was necessary right now. However, we took a long time to make an official announcement, which we did only once preparations were in full swing.

We spent considerable time figuring out how to ensure everyone could go to the shelter during air raids and return to the shows afterwards without completely disrupting the schedule. We thought about holding the event not at Mystetskyi Arsenal, but directly in a shelter. However, Mystetskyi Arsenal won, as it is a reliable building with a shelter for 800 people.

Of course, we were also concerned about power outages, so we secured our operations with two generators.

- How many air raid alerts occurred during Fashion Week?

- It is a miracle, but there was not a single alert at that time. They happened between the first and second days of the event, and a journalist from British Vogue, who was brave enough to come to Ukraine for the event, wrote in his article that instead of an opening party, UFW had alerts and explosions.

- The art installation showcasing our designers' responses to the war received significant resonance...

- These are 18 artworks that designers created as reflections on the war. For example, Bevza's necklace, which resembles a circle of charred wheat stalks - a symbolic reminder of Ukrainian wheat that feeds many countries worldwide. Or Ksenia Schnaider's jacket, sewn from ties that Ukrainian men no longer need, as they are at the frontline. Another example is a jacket that designer Maria Starchak created right after the Mariupol tragedy - it is embroidered with the theatre bombed by the Russians, with the word «ДЕТИ» (from Russian - children) on the bottom.

From OMELIA, there is a shirt with flowers. One might wonder, what does it have to do with the war? Designer Kostyantyn Omelia said that when he returned to his studio in 2022 after forced evacuation, he saw dried flowers in vases that left a strong impression on him.

- How has the war manifested in new collections?

- Designers know how to speak about the war in a way that chills to the bone. For instance, in the shows of brands Andreas Moskin, Gasanova and Nadya Dzyak, our veterans appeared on the runway with prosthetics, conveying more about our reality and the war than any military-style clothing could.

- Guests gave standing ovations to the veterans on the runway. I was personally struck by ballroom dance champion Kateryna Stashchyshak, who professionally danced in peacetime, but the war took her leg. How challenging is it for such people to walk the runway?

- This is also about courage. They did it to show our Ukrainian life. Inclusivity is not a trend, it is our new reality, and we are ready to live this way. We respect and bow to these people. They will never be separated from the processes taking place in the country. They should not sit at home alone with their pain.

Photos: UFW

On this special day, our editors and authors wrote a couple of words about their work at Sestry, about their heroes, their emotions - about everything that became so important during this year of working in the media.

Joanna Mosiej-Sitek, CEO of Sestry

Our year on the frontline in the fight for truth. We are a community of women. Women journalists. Women editors. Our strength is our voice. We stand for shared European values, democracy and peace. We are the voice of all those who, like us, believe that the future lies in dialogue, tolerance and respect for human rights. These people believe in a world where we can forgive past grievances and focus our energy on building a better future. They are not divided by the words of politicians. Every day, we do everything possible to listen to and understand one another, knowing that this is the only way to fight disinformation and fake news. Our voice, our struggle, is just as vital to our security as new tanks and drones. Over the past year, we have given a platform to thousands of stories in our effort to build a better world. We understand that building a strong, multi-ethnic, and united community is a long journey, and we are only at the beginning.

Maria Gorska, Editor-in-Chief

When my colleagues at Gazeta Wyborcza and I decided to create Sestry.eu, it was the second winter of the war. My newborn daughter lay in her stroller, wearing a red onesie covered in gingerbread men, and all she knew was how to smile and reach out to her mother. Today, my little Amelia is a strong toddler, running around the park near our home in Warsaw, shouting, «Mom, catch the ball!» and laughing when I lift her into my arms. She comforts her doll when it cries.

She still does not know what Ukraine is. And that is why I am doing this media project. Not to one day tell my child about her homeland, but to ensure that she grows up in an independent, safe, and prosperous Ukraine - as a free citizen of Europe.

Tetiana Bakotska, journalist

The stories we publish in Sestry make an impact - motivating readers to take action. After my article about a refugee shelter in Olsztyn that had been closed, leaving some Ukrainian families in dire straits, five Ukrainian families reached out to say they had received help. Single mothers raising young children were given food, clothing and fully stocked backpacks for school.

Thanks to the article «Sails Save Lives» and the efforts of Piotr Paliński, hundreds of meters of sails were collected in Poland to be sewn into stretchers for wounded soldiers. On August 24th 2024, Olsztyn scout Dorota Limontas delivered the sails to Kyiv as part of a humanitarian convoy, along with medical equipment for several Kyiv hospitals, donated by the Voivodeship Adult and Children’s Hospitals in Olsztyn.

After the publication about the humble mechanic, Mr. Piotr, who in 2022 donated over 500 bicycles to Ukrainian children, the initiative gained new momentum. Once again, hundreds of children - not only in Olsztyn but in other regions of Poland as well - received bicycles as gifts. Bicycles were also sent to Ukraine for orphaned children cared for by the family of Tetiana Paliychuk, whose story we also shared.

Nataliya Zhukovska, journalist

For me, Sestry became a lifeline that supported me during a challenging moment. The full-scale war, moving to another country, adapting to a new life - this is what millions of Ukrainian women faced as they fled from the war, leaving their homes behind. I was fortunate to continue doing what I love in Poland - journalism. Even more so, I was fortunate to engage with people who, through their actions, are writing the modern history of Ukraine - volunteers, soldiers, combat medics and civil activists.

I remember each of the heroes from my stories. I could endlessly recount their lives. One might think that a journalist, after recording an interview and publishing an article, could simply move on. That is how it was for over 20 years of my work in television. The subjects of news stories were quickly forgotten. But this time, it is different. Even after my conversations with these heroes, I keep following their lives through social media. Though we have only met online, many of them have become my friends. Reflecting on the past year, I can only thank fate for the opportunity to share the stories of these incredible, strong-spirited Ukrainians with the world.

Aleksandra Klich, editor

When we began forming the Sestry editorial team a year ago, I felt that it was a special moment. Media like this are truly needed. In a world ravaged by war, overwhelmed by new technologies and crises, where information, images, and emotions bombard us from all sides, we seek order and meaning. We search for a niche that offers a sense of safety, space for deep reflection, and a place where one can simply cry. That is what Sestry is - a new kind of media, a bridge from Ukraine to the European Union.

Working with my Ukrainian colleagues has restored my faith in journalism. It has rekindled in me the belief that media should not just be click factories or arenas of conflict, but a source of knowledge, truth - however painful - and genuine emotions, which we can allow ourselves to experience in the hardest moments. Thanks to my work with Sestry and the daily focus on Ukraine, the most important questions have come alive within me: «What does patriotism mean today? What does it mean to be a European citizen? What does responsibility mean? What can I do - every day, constantly - to help save the world? And finally: Where am I from? For what purpose? Where am I headed?» These questions do not leave a person at peace when they stand on the edge. We create media in a world that is on the edge. The women of Ukraine, their experiences and struggles, remind me of this every day.

Mariya Syrchyna, editor

Over our first year, our readership has grown steadily - numbers show that our audience has increased 8-10 times compared to last year. This growth is because Sestry is no ordinary publication. Most of us journalists live in other countries due to the war, but from each of these countries, we write about what pains us the most. About Ukraine and its resilient people. About what hinders our victory over the enemy - hoping to reach those with the power to help. About the challenges we face in our new homes and how we overcome them. About our children.

We strive to talk to people who inspire and bring light in these dark times - volunteers, artists, doctors, athletes, psychologists, activists, teachers, journalists. But most importantly, we tell the stories of our warriors. I once dreamed that Ukraine’s elite would change and that the country’s fate would be shaped by worthy people. That wish has come true - though in a cruel way. The new heroes of our time are the soldiers who nobly bear the weight of the fight against both the enemy and the world’s indifference. Here, at Sestry, we tell their stories again and again to everyone who has access to the internet and a heart. In three languages. We hope that these stories will ensure their names are not forgotten and their deeds are not distorted.

A sister is someone who can be anywhere in the world but still feels close. She may annoy you, but if someone offends her, you are the first to defend her and offer a hand. That is exactly the kind of publication Sestry aspires to be - reliable and close. All the way to victory, and beyond.

Maryna Stepanenko, journalist

I have been with Sestry for nine months. In that time, I have conducted 22 powerful interviews with people I once only dreamed of speaking to in person. Politicians, generals, commanders and even the deadliest U.S. Air Force pilot. Getting in touch with him was a challenge - no online contacts, except for his publisher. There was also a fan page for Dan Hampton on Facebook. As it turns out, he manages that page himself and is quite responsive to messages.

It took me two months of persistent outreach to secure an interview with Kurt Volker, but I eventually succeeded. And my pride - Ben Hodges, whose contacts were once obtained under strict confidentiality.

In these nine months, I have learned a few key lessons: do not be afraid to ask for an interview with someone you admire, and when choosing between talking to a Ukrainian celebrity or a foreign general, always opt for the general. I am grateful to be the bridge between their expert opinions and our readers.

Kateryna Tryfonenko, journalist

«Why did you ask me that?». This is one of those funny memorable occurrences. I was working on an article about military recruitment, with part of the piece focused on international experience. One of the experts I spoke with was an American specialist from a military recruitment center. I made sure to tell him upfront that the questions would be very basic, as our readers are not familiar with the intricacies of the United States military system. He had no objections. We recorded the interview, and a few days later, I received a message from him that began, «I am still very puzzled by our conversation. I keep thinking about the questions you asked me. Why did you ask me that?». The message was long, and between the lines, it almost read «Are you a spy?». This was a first for me. To avoid causing him further distress, I offered to remove his comments from the article if our conversation had unsettled him that much. However, he did not object to the publication in the end. Although I wonder if, to this day, he still thinks it was not all just a coincidence.

Nataliya Ryaba, editor

I am free. These three words perfectly describe my work at Sestry. I am free to do what I love and what I do best. Free from restrictions: our editorial team is a collective of like-minded individuals where everyone trusts each other, and no one forbids experimenting, trying new things, learning, and bringing those ideas to life. I am free from stereotypes. Our multinational team has shown that nationality and historical disputes between our peoples do not matter - we are united, working toward the common goal of Ukraine’s victory and the victory of the democratic world. I am free to be who I want to be in our newsroom. Yes, I work as an editor, but I can grab my camera and run as a reporter to protests or polling stations - wherever I want to go. No one forbids me from creating what I want, and I am grateful for this freedom. It gives me wings.

Anastasiya Kanarska, journalist

Like many women, I always thought I wanted to have a son. Well, maybe two kids, but one of them had to be a boy. But as my understanding of myself and the world grew, and the likelihood of not having children at all increased, the idea of being a good mother to a happy, self-sufficient daughter became an exciting challenge. Learning from each other, respecting personal boundaries, and caring for one another - that is what makes working in a women’s circle so empowering. For me, starting work with Sestry coincided with a deeper exploration of my female lineage - strong women like my colleagues, who at times embody Demeter, Persephone, Hera, Aphrodite, Artemis, or Hestia. The themes of my articles, whether written, edited, or translated by me, often mirror my own life events or thoughts. Maybe that is the magic of the sisterhood circle.

Olena Klepa, SMM specialist

«I feel needed here». I went to my first interview with Sestry three months before the official launch of the project: in old DIY shorts, a T-shirt from a humanitarian aid center, with a «dandelion» hairstyle and seven years of TV experience. I was not looking for a job. I was content working as a security guard at a construction site, always learning, taking free online training. But for some reason, all my supervisors kept asking: «Have you found something for yourself yet? Any interesting opportunities?» They would tell me I did not belong there and was meant for something greater.

Sestry found me. So, when I first went to the meeting, I decided, «All or nothing». It was not a typical interview. It was a meeting of people with similar values and a shared goal. We spoke different languages but understood each other instantly. The plans were ambitious and, at first glance, unrealistic. They needed a social media manager. The responsibility scared me, but I never say «I can't» until I try. Experience has shown that you can learn anything. At Sestry, I feel needed. I feel like I have room to grow. I love that I can combine all my accumulated experience here, that I can experiment. But most importantly, I no longer feel guilty. My country is at war. The enemy is not only on the frontlines. Russian propaganda has extended its tentacles far beyond its borders. By creating social media content, telling stories about Ukrainians on the frontlines to people in Poland, and showing Ukrainians that Poles «have not grown tired of the war», I am helping Ukraine hold its ground in the information space.

Beata Łyżwa-Sokół, photo editor

Many years ago, a photo editor colleague considered changing jobs and trying her luck abroad. However, one editor strongly advised her against it: «You will never be as recognised in a newsroom in New York or London as you are at home. You will never reach the same level of language proficiency as your native-speaking colleagues. At best, you will be an assistant to the head photo editor. In a foreign newsroom, you will always be a foreigner». She listened and stayed in the country, despite having studied English at university and being fluent enough that language would not have been a barrier. A few years later, she left the profession altogether, deciding that journalism no longer had a place for her - that it simply did not exist anymore.

Since then, the media landscape has changed drastically. Many believe that in the age of social media, journalism is no longer necessary. The world is evolving, and so are the media. However, I never stopped believing in its importance. I did not run away from journalism; instead, I sought a new place for myself. That is how I found Sestry, where I met editors and journalists who had come to Poland from war-torn Ukraine. After a year of working together, I know that we are very similar in many ways, but also differ in others. We listen to each other, argue, go to exhibitions together, and share a bottle of wine from time to time.

When I started working at Sestry, and we were discussing what kind of photographs should illustrate the site with our editor-in-chief, Mariya Gorska, I heard her say, «This is your garden». It was one of many fantastic phrases I heard during the months of working together - words that shaped our professional and personal relationships. In an era of fake news, bots and media crises, it was particularly important to me, as the photo editor of Sestry, to consider how we tell the story of what is happening in Ukraine through photography. I observe the media around the world, and thanks to the editors on our site, I notice that these images are often superficial, not based on direct testimony or experience, and rely on stereotypes.

For me, direct contact with Ukrainian journalists and editors is invaluable in my daily work. I am convinced that journalism projects based on such collaboration represent an opportunity for the media of the future. They are a guarantee of reliability and effectiveness in places where people’s lives are at stake, even in the most remote corners of the world.

In Kathryn Bigelow’s film «Zero Dark Thirty», there is a scene where the protagonist, a CIA agent responsible for capturing Osama bin Laden, faces a group of Navy SEALs participating in the operation. One of them, sceptical about the success of the mission (particularly because it is being led by a woman), asks his colleagues: «Why do you trust her? Why should I trust her?». Another replies: «Because she knows what she is doing». That is exactly how I feel working at Sestry. I work with editors and journalists from Ukraine who know what they are doing and why - and I feel incredibly comfortable because of that.

I had been waiting for weeks to speak with «Vpered’s» chief editor, Svitlana Ovcharenko. Finally, late on a Saturday evening, she called me while I was walking along the waterfront of a small Polish town. My thoughts were in the destroyed Bakhmut, among the dispersed community of Bakhmutians scattered by the war.

Eighty-four-year-old Vasyl from Bakhmut now lives in a retirement home in the Czech Republic. In the newspaper «Vpered», he shared, «They gave me a new mattress! I did not want to lie on the old one, and now I do not want to get up from the new one - it is so comfortable». Comfortable furniture, like everything else of value to the people of Bakhmut, has disappeared in the city's ruins. All that remains are the people, the keys to their destroyed homes, and... the city’s print newspaper.

Readers in the underground

Before the war, the editorial office of the Bakhmut newspaper «Vpered» was located on Peace Street. Chestnut trees grew in the yard, blossoming with soft pink flowers in the spring and dropping shiny brown nuts generously in the fall. Once, they even cracked the windshield of the editorial car.

The eight windows of the office witnessed life: late-night newspaper layouts, meetings with readers, emotions, and debates. Now, only charred trunks and ashes remain. «Those windows are gone, and there is no life behind them. Where there once was a porch where we loved to drink coffee, now there is a black void», says Svitlana Ovcharenko.

The newspaper’s release was only suspended twice: in 1941 when Nazi Germany attacked and on February 24th 2022 - because of the Russian invasion

«Bakhmut was bombed on the first day of the invasion», - Svitlana recalls. - «We had prepared the newspaper on February 23rd, but on the 24th, we could not retrieve it from the printing house in Kramatorsk because the road was under constant fire».

Pro-Russian militants had attempted to seize Bakhmut back in April 2014, but on July 6th of that year, the city returned to Ukrainian control. The war raged 30 kilometres away for eight years, but no one imagined it would reach the city itself.

They would build promenades, lay tiled pavements, develop parks - instead of building defence fortifications

In March, the editor of «Vpered», Svitlana Ovcharenko, left for Odesa with her mother, hoping to wait out the «escalation». She dressed in a tracksuit, packed essential items in a backpack, and slipped two sets of keys - one to the newspaper office and one to her apartment - into her pocket.

The first issue of the newspaper was printed in the Autumn of 2022, in the midst of the war.

During the first months of the war, Svitlana lived glued to the news, keeping track of what was happening across the country. Bakhmut had become one of the most dangerous places on Earth, yet people stayed.

The Russians cut off electricity, gas, and mobile connections, while their propagandists misled the population via radio signals, claiming that everyone had abandoned them, and even local authorities had fled.

«Kyiv has fallen», - blared from the radios

In the first months of the full-scale war, nearly 50 thousand people left the city of 73 thousand. Yet some returned, saying, «There is no one waiting for us there, so there is no point in leaving».

The Russians launched an active offensive in August, and fierce fighting broke out among the city's buildings, the most intense battles since World War II.

Efforts to persuade the remaining residents to leave were unsuccessful. By October, local authorities started bringing in basic heating stoves, firewood, and coal. Every trip outside the basements could be a resident’s last, but nearly 20 thousand people remained in the city.

This jolted Svitlana Ovcharenko out of her stupor. She decided to revive the newspaper to provide accurate information to those who were afraid to leave. There were countless challenges: accounting records, passwords, and access codes had been left behind in Bakhmut. However, thanks to the efforts of the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine and a Japanese foundation, the first issue was printed on November 4th 2022, right in the midst of the war.

The first printed edition was brought to Bakhmut by Italian journalists.

The residents took the paper with surprise and joy, believing it was a sign that the end of the war was near. «It was a ray of hope in our hell», they later wrote on social media.

«Vpered» published an interview with the mayor, Oleksiy Reva, who urged civilians to evacuate immediately. «Kyiv has not fallen, and Bakhmut residents will be welcomed in any Ukrainian city», the newspaper wrote. And people began to leave...

Before the war, much had been said about the death of print newspapers in Ukraine. But it turned out that the local newspaper, which people had trusted for years, held great influence. It was no coincidence that Russian occupiers repeatedly forged «Vpered» to spread their propaganda among the locals.

In February 2023, Deputy Prime Minister Iryna Vereshchuk reported that fewer than four thousand residents remained in Bakhmut.

One of the last issues of the newspaper was brought to Bakhmut by volunteer Mykhailo Puryshev’s team in May 2023.

In a room lined with sandbags, stacks of newspapers lay in the middle. People with weary faces gathered around, reading with hope, longing to hear they could stay in their homes. But no - the newspaper reported that the city was close to falling under Russian control. On May 20th 2023, Russia declared the complete capture of Bakhmut.

«Should we keep publishing a newspaper for a city that no longer exists?»

In response, Ukrainian soldiers released drone footage showing collapsed roofs, destroyed apartment blocks, burned-out vehicles… a dead, deserted city. Russian forces had taken control of Bakhmut's territory, but the city itself was entirely destroyed. Experts estimate it will take at least ten years to clear the landmines, and another decade to remove the rubble.

‍

Svitlana Ovcharenko received a call from Serhiy Tomilenko, the head of the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine (NUJU). He asked whether it made sense to continue publishing the city’s newspaper, given that Bakhmut no longer existed. Ovcharenko responded: «Bakhmut lives in each of us. As long as we breathe, the city remains alive. Because Bakhmut is more than just bricks and concrete. It is us - the people».

The NUJU involved Ovcharenko in the IRMI (International Institute of Regional Press and Information) project, which was implemented in partnership with Fondation Hirondelle and financially supported by Swiss Solidarity.

The newspaper started being delivered across Ukraine to refugee centres where most Bakhmutians now live. There are already 12 such centres. Some former residents of Bakhmut even pay to have the newspaper delivered via Nova Poshta, spending 55 hryvnias (about 5 zlotys) to receive each issue. «Even the smell of the printing ink on Vpered reminds me of home», admits 62-year-old Nadia, who now lives in Poltava and goes to the post office every two weeks to collect the newspaper.

«I can not part with the keys to my bombed-out apartment»

Svitlana Ovcharenko continues to live in Odesa with her elderly mother in a rented apartment. «Where my apartment in Bakhmut once stood, there is now a massive black hole. My mother's home is nothing but ruins. I was asked to donate my keys to the «Time Capsule» installation about Bakhmut, but I can not bring myself to part with them. As long as I have them, there is still hope that one day I will unlock the door to my home».

In one of the newspaper's photo illustrations, keys of various sizes and shapes are laid out on an old fabric. These fragile symbols of lost homes each carry the pain and memories of lives destroyed.

In a newspaper story, 71-year-old Lyudmyla shares her experience: «My husband and I settled on the left bank of the Dnipro. The room is small and without repairs - old wallpaper and outdated plumbing. The windows do not work, and the ventilation is poor. It is painful to compare it to our previous home. So much time has passed, yet we are still adjusting to new streets and these everyday inconveniences».

The topic of lost homes resonates deeply with Svitlana Ovcharenko. I had seen her photos and heard her voice - she struck me as a much younger woman. As if reading my thoughts, Svitlana clarified, «I am already retired. I understand my readers. Like them, I still can not sleep soundly in an unfamiliar bed».

Despite her personal struggles, she continues to publish the newspaper. For a long time, she prepared each issue alone. A colleague, who had found refuge in Sumy Oblast, helped format the text for the eight-page paper.

Sometimes, they would start work at 2 AM and continue until morning—this was the only time they both had access to electricity due to the destruction of the energy system. «I set my alarm for 2 AM, wake up, go to the kitchen, brew coffee, and turn on my laptop. I am in Odesa, my colleague is in Sumy».

Now, four people work with Svitlana on the newspaper. They also manage the website, fill social media with updates and shoot videos.

«Do not repeat Bakhmut’s mistakes»

One of the latest issues of the newspaper features a profile of soldier Volodymyr Andriutsa, call sign «Talent». He was born and lived his entire life in Donetsk Oblast. He died defending Bakhmut. His father, Mykola Andriutsa, recalls with sorrow how long it took his son to accept that Russia had become the enemy.

- There was even a time after 2014 when Volodymyr travelled to Crimea and then to Russia, - recalls Mykola. - Even on a day-to-day level, he saw how much they hated us, Ukrainians. The full-scale war turned him into a true patriot and defender.

Recently, the newspaper editor received a message from an acquaintance asking to anonymously share her husband’s story. He had gone through so much trauma that his life had become a nightmare - he wandered around a foreign city, collecting trash and food scraps, and bringing them back to their rented apartment. His actions seemed senseless, but perhaps he was seeking some personal meaning and stability in the chaos of war.

The people of Bakhmut are now scattered across the world. They are learning to live again, but they still remember their city and dream of returning. «Bakhmut lives as long as we remember it», says Svitlana. And as long as the «Vpered» newspaper keeps them connected, that memory remains alive.

Next to me, a peaceful Polish town drifts off to sleep. In the quiet evening, I ask the editor of the Bakhmut newspaper what she would say to Polish and Ukrainian readers.

- Do not repeat Bakhmut’s mistakes. Do not forget about the war. Protect your lives. Otherwise, nothing will be left but ruins and memories…

‍

Photos from the «Vpered» newspaper’s archives

Tim Mak:  So are you calling it “Autocracy Inc.” or “Autocracy Incorporated”? 

Applebaum: I mean, Autocracy Inc. sounds cooler. The only problem with it is that, you know, when you hear it, it sounds like it could be I-N-K. You know, Autocracy Ink!

I like that. I think the double meaning actually makes your book like three levels cooler.

The reason why the book has that title is that I spent a long time searching for a metaphor.

The relationship between modern autocracies: they are not an alliance, they are not a bloc. I don't even think they're an axis because axis implies some kind of coordinated activity. What they are more like is a huge international conglomerate within which there are separate companies that cooperate when it suits them, but otherwise do their own thing.

And I think that's the best way to describe a group of countries who have nothing in common ideologically. You have communist China, nationalist Russia, theocratic Iran, Bolivarian Socialist Venezuela… You have these actually quite different styles of leadership and different ways of claiming legitimacy, but they do have a few things in common. One of them is the way in which they use the international financial system. Unlike the most famous dictators of the twentieth century, most of the leaders of these countries are very interested in money, and in hiding money, and in enriching people around them.

They dislike the democratic world. They dislike the language that we use. They don't want to hear any more about human rights or rights at all.

You know, the right to freedom of speech or the right to a free press. They also don't want to hear about transparency. They prefer to conduct their affairs behind a veil of secrecy. They don't want institutions that expose them, whether those are domestic or international.

And all of them see the language of transparency and rights as their most important enemy, whether mostly because that's the language that their domestic opponents use, whether it's the Navalny movement in Russia, or whether it's the Hong Kong democrats in China, or whether it's the complex Venezuelan opposition — they all use that kind of language, because they all understand that those are the things they are deprived of. 

Autocracy Inc. is an attempt to encapsulate that group of countries.

‍And you write a lot about how they've created this network to steal, to launder funds, to oppress people, to surveil, to spread propaganda and disinformation. I read with great interest your argument that this is not Cold War 2.0. Because you argue that ideals are too disparate, they don't have a unified ideology. 

But I also found that as I was reading your book, I sensed a sort of underlying ideology that does kind of bring all these countries together: China, Russia, Iran, North Korea. It’s more of a worldview. It’s less of a prescriptive ideology.

But it is this worldview of nihilism and cynicism and hopelessness – a sort of future where the truth is impossible to know, so the public shouldn't even bother trying to find out. Isn’t that what unifies this bloc of anti-Western countries? 

I think you're right that those feelings are what they want to induce in their populations and maybe our populations too. They want people to feel that politics is a realm of confusion and something they can't understand.

They want people to feel cynical and apathetic. They want people to stay out of politics. Authoritarian narratives and authoritarian propaganda vary between a kind of advocacy for the supposed stability and safety of autocracy, as opposed to the chaos and degeneracy of democracy. It sort of varies between that and the Russian version, which is streams of lies so that people feel confused and disoriented and they don't know anymore what's true and what's not.

So you're right that aligns them. You could also say that another thing that aligns them is a kind of anti-enlightenment view of the world, and they don't want rational thinking or science. They want to be free of any checks and balances. 

They want to be free of any obligation to report or respond to the truth. They want to mold and shape the world, according to their somewhat different personal visions. 

That's the way they approach the world. So there are things that unify them. There are also things that make them different.

My goal is to not to claim that they're all the same. But they do have some similar goals, and they share certain interests.

‍Using that, though, can we conceptualise what's happening now in the world as the start of a new Cold War, or do you still think that's the wrong way to look at the problem?

I think that's the wrong way to look at the problem. It's true that it's a war of ideas.  But to say the Cold War implies  a geographical separation, a Berlin Wall and it also implies unity on both sides, which we don't have on either side, actually.

And there is also a lot of the world that doesn't really belong in either camp or switches back and forth. There are a lot of complicated countries like India or Turkey or the Gulf states, which play different roles. Sometimes they align with one side, sometimes they align with another. 

And I also want to stress that something I just said, and I'll emphasise it again, that people who align with the autocratic worldview are found inside democracies, and they aren't a fringe. 

In the United States, they dominate the Republican Party, which is one of our two great political parties. In other countries, they play an important role in political coalitions.

The countries you mentioned as being part of Autocracy Inc.: China, Russia, Iran, North Korea, and you also add countries like Mali and Zimbabwe as other examples of countries that might fall under this banner. They don't really strike me as innovative, growth places. They don't really strike me as where the future lies. Just to play devil's advocate here, why should we be concerned about them?

First of all, I do think China is a place that's innovative and is very interested in the future of AI and is putting a lot of money into it. So that's a big parenthesis. 

You're certainly right that Mali isn't really a model for anybody.

I don't even think Russia is a model of a society that people want to live in or admire. But we do need to care about them because they care about us.

Although they're not that attractive, they are capable of doing a lot of damage. So their vision is negative. They're very focused on us. They want to undermine us.

Maybe people in London or Paris or Madrid don't wake up in the morning and feel threatened by Russia, China, and North Korea. But there are people in North Korea who wake up every morning and think about us. They're interested in affecting our politics. They're interested in challenging the weaker democratic states.

The Iranian proxies in the Middle East are interested in challenging and overturning the order in the Middle East. They have both military and propaganda and other sources of disruption that they are willing to use against us. We might not want to care about them or think about them, but I didn't think that we have a choice anymore and the evidence is all around us. 

And let me just say a word about Ukraine. Why did Russia invade Ukraine? Part of the reason is that Putin, he's a megalomaniac and he has an idea of himself as the leader of a restored Russian empire, and he's used that language in the past.

But he also did it because Ukraine felt to him like a challenge, an ideological challenge. Ukraine was another large Slavic country that had been very corrupt. It was heading very much in the direction that Russia went, becoming very much like that, and was very dominated in many ways in the business sphere, in particular by Russia. 

And yet the Ukrainians organised and through civic activism, they overthrew that regime, they changed it, and they created a democracy. Sometimes it seems like a pretty rocky democracy, but it's a democracy, nevertheless.

And they, even during the war in Ukraine, have a sense of freedom of speech and ease of conversation that you don't have in Russia and haven't had in Russia for many years

So the model that Ukraine presents, of a country that's aiming to be integrated into Europe that would like to be part of the democratic world, is very threatening to Putin, because the scenario that he has been most afraid of, unlikely though maybe it now seems, is exactly the 2014 Maidan scenario. He's afraid of civic activism organizing to somehow overthrow or threaten him.

The scenes of the people swarming Yanukovych's golden palace at the end of the Maidan revolution must have frightened him because that's what he's afraid of. And so crushing Ukraine is also about crushing that idea and showing Russians that that's not going to work and we're not going to let that kind of country survive.

And the other purpose of the war was to say to America and Europe and the rest of the democratic world: «we don't care about your stupid rules. And we're not bothered by this norm that you say existed since 1945, that we don't change borders in Europe by force. We're not interested in that. And we're going to show you that it doesn't matter. And we're also going to show you that all your language about never again, there'll never be concentration camps, there'll never be torture and murder in Europe – we're going to show you that we don't care about that either.

We're going to set up concentration camps in occupied Ukraine. We're going to kidnap children, take them away from their parents or the institutions they live in. We're going to make them into Russians. And we're going to continue with this project of destroying Ukraine as a nation and as a state».

And that's a deliberate challenge to the way that the Western world thinks

I keep using the word Western. It’s an old habit, but Western is the wrong word – [I should be saying,] the democratic world.

Ukraine is obviously subject to this physical violence that you've outlined. It's also constantly subject to the propagandistic efforts of Russia through things from troll farms, through narratives that they're trying to spread, and dissent within the society. I was really taken by one anecdote you put in the book - [which has] Bill Clinton giving a speech in 2000 and saying, as a joke, that China has been trying to crack down on the internet and everyone in the room laughs. 

…And it was, it was at Johns Hopkins University. You know, it was a room full of people who do political science and foreign policy…

…Smart, smart people who think a lot about the future, and Bill Clinton said that trying to crack down on the Internet was like trying to nail jello to the wall. 

And so thinking about the developments in politics around the world over the last decade, it really does seem that at the core of this book is an idea: that this original promise of the Internet, a globalised world that would be connected and freed from government surveillance and control, that that original promise is kind of dead. 

I know the jury's still out, but I want to get a sense from you: was the development of the Internet over the last decade fundamentally a net positive benefit for human freedom?

The Internet is a reflection of human nature in a certain way. It was an expansion of already existing trends. So it's hard for me to say, to talk about the Internet as a whole, being good or bad. 

I mean, it's just a reflection of what we are like. I think we can say pretty clearly now about social media, which is a particular piece of the Internet, has created a kind of chaos.

It fundamentally changed the way that people understand the world, particularly the political world and political information.

So the way that people now get information is through short bursts of messages on their phone.

And it's also become just much, much easier to create instant propaganda campaigns. The Soviet Union actually used to run what we now would call active measures or fake news campaigns. There's a famous one that grew up around the AIDS virus. They had started a conspiracy theory that the AIDS virus had been an invention of the CIA and they planted it.

The idea was to make a kind of echo chamber where people would hear it from different places and people would believe in it. And I think it had some impact. I think some people around the world believed it.

You can now do a campaign like that in an hour.

You mentioned how the Internet was a reflection of human nature. And there is an assumption that democracy and freedom are natural human callings and that we're kind of drawn to it by the nature of what humanity is.

But you can also see if you look around the world that a lot of people are willing to give up their own freedom for a sense of security, or to give up some freedom as long as the government imposes their view of the world on other people they don't happen to like.

And I wonder if you've grappled with or changed your view on the nature of human beings in the last decade or so.

So my previous book, which is called Twilight of Democracy, was much more about this. It was about the attraction of authoritarian ideas and specifically why they're attractive to people who live in democratic countries.

The more you stare at history books and the deeper you look at the origins of our modern democracies, the easier it is to see that most of humanity through most of history has lived in what we would now describe as autocracy, monarchies, dictatorships. 

Democracies are the exception. There are very few of them. Most of them fail. I think almost all of them have failed at one point or another. They require an enormous amount of effort to keep going and to maintain. Even the ancient scholars, even Plato and Aristotle, wrote about how democracies can decline. So it's not as if this is even a modern phenomenon.

Forms of democracy that were known in the ancient world were also considered to be always at risk of being destroyed by the appeal of a strong man or by disintegration. So I don't think democracy is at all normal.

I think it's probably abnormal. And the attraction that people feel for, you know, for dictators doesn't surprise me at all. 

Let’s place Autocracy Inc. in the context of the ongoing situation in the United States right now. We're speaking right after Donald Trump has survived a shooting attempt and a convention where he seems to have unified the Republican party.

You write near the end of the book about Trump that «if he ever succeeds at directing federal courts and law enforcement at his enemies... then the blending of the autocratic and democratic worlds will be complete».

It doesn't seem like you're super optimistic about what might happen next.

What worries me honestly about Donald Trump is the affinity that he has shown for the dictators that I'm writing about. It's not like it's a secret or you have to look at classified documents.

He talks openly about it, his admiration for Xi Jinping, his admiration for Putin, his admiration even for the North Korean dictator who's destroyed his country.

It's a poor, sad, repressed country in contrast to vibrant, successful South Korea. Yet, Trump admires him because he's brutal and because he stays in power for a long time, I guess. 

The second piece of it is that I worry about Trump’s transactional instincts, particularly in a second term, if he were to win. Trump is not interested in an alliance of democracies or a community of values or America playing a role in supporting the stability and viability of democracy around the world.

He's mostly interested in himself. He's interested in his own money. He's interested in his own perceptions of him. He's interested in his own political stability and right now, he's interested in staying out of jail.

I would be afraid of that in a second term, when he feels much less constrained, that his interests in his own finances and his children's finances would be one of the prime drivers of his foreign policy. In that sense, he would already be like one of the dictators that I've written about.

He could also, you know, he might also be looking to do deals that benefit business people around him.

And I don't know what joining Autocracy Inc would look like. It's not that there would be some pact between America and Russia or America and China, or maybe there would be, but it’s not necessary at all. It's simply that we would begin to behave like those dictatorships.

And our leaders would begin to behave like the leaders of those dictatorships and we're not that far away from it. So it's not difficult to imagine at all.

Just to wrap up this conversation, you dedicated this book to «the optimists», and I have to admit that I'm having a hard time identifying in that camp right now. And so I'm trying to understand, you know, how do we fix the trajectory of the world that you've identified here? Is it fixable? How do we turn away from, you know, a sort of nothing matters worldview towards something more hopeful and more democratic?

I think the short answer involves a lot of people. Everyone. You, me, everyone reading to think about how they can be engaged in whatever country they live in. 

How do you engage in your democracy? How do you play some kind of role? How do you support and insist on supporting the rights that we're all guaranteed in our constitutions? How do you convince others of why that's important?

It's very important to vote. It's very important to participate in the electoral process in other ways. And that's the best advice I can give ordinary people.

I have a whole laundry list in the book of things that governments could do, and they start with the elimination of the institutions that enable kleptocracy in our own societies. That seems to be the easiest and first thing that we can do. 

But I think ordinary people can also, through their own participation, make a difference.

‍

The original interview titled «Are We in Cold War 2.0?» appeared on the Counteroffensive.news website.

The book will be released in Polish on September 12 by the 'Agora' publishing house.

‍