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Even a small contribution to real journalism helps strengthen democracy. Join us, and together we will tell the world the inspiring stories of people fighting for freedom!
For the longest time it has been my dream to move to America but after living there for three years, I decided to move back to Poland. Just like my parents, I thought that living in America was going to offer me this big American dream, but that was not the case. I think due to the ways in which America is portrayed, I had this preconceived notion of what my life is going to look like but I was unaware of the jarring realisations that come with moving to the West.
When I got there I wouldn't say that I missed my old life in Poland. Everything felt new and exciting and I felt like «I made it» but the longer I spent time in the US the more I realised the sad realities of America. Life in the East is highly focused on community: I know my neighbours, I get my fruits and vegetables from a local market stand, my friends buy me beers when I’m out of cash, but my experience in America was the complete opposite of that. Unless you’re in a borough where you grew up or have built a community, all your experiences are transactional. I found myself thinking that I’m forming a relationship with someone to quickly later on finding that they wanted something from me, blurring the line whether friendships can exist outside of work or status.
What was the most difficult for me when I was there was really understanding my identity in the realm of the US
In America, I am perceived as a white girl and my identity as a Polish person is not necessarily considered unless I bring it up in a conversation. This was really difficult for me to understand because I feel like I'm coming from a country that focuses on identity so much. I felt like that was just being stripped away. I couldn't really identify myself with where I lay in the US. Should I be considered an immigrant or should I be considered a Polish American? It was really unclear for me. I was aware of the privileges that I have in America due to being a white woman but I couldn’t identify or relate to the white American women around me.
Photo: Shutterstock
I didn't really feel at home there unless I was in a neighbourhood such as Greenpoint where I was able to socialise with Polish people, and when it came to my university, I only met one other Polish person. It wasn't until I became friends with a Ukrainian guy who came from an immigrant family. He understood exactly what I was talking about. The Americans only perceived him as a white boy and he was unable to identify with white American men either. We would discuss our similarities and differences of being Polish and Ukrainian and the terror that's happening in the world right now that most of our peers in America seemed to ignore. I think that America is so centralised in its country and politics that a lot of issues outside that don’t concern people there just seem to be irrelevant and I think especially when you are an immigrant you can find yourself feeling lost.
That friend of mine made me realise how much I miss my country and how much I miss my community because he was the closest to what felt like a community to me in America. It's a weird experience to be an Eastern European because, on one hand, most Eastern European countries have been historically oppressed but on the other hand, you do carry the privilege of being a white person and should hold yourself accountable for having that privilege.
It's just not talked about enough how much history affected Eastern European countries and especially in the West I don't see many people being aware of what happened.
I remember how in one of my classes an American kid didn’t even know about what’s happening in Ukraine. «What war?» they said and I couldn’t believe what I was hearing
I got so angry, how can one not know? Everything there is centralised in their country, excluding anything that doesn’t focus on it or on their ideals of individualism. I couldn't take it anymore - «America this, America that», - no news about another country, while their country is one responsible for most war crimes in the world and is simultaneously one able to stop these wars.
Photo: Shutterstock
In New York, I lived in the Ukrainian neighbourhood of the East Village, hoping it would bring me a sense of peace. Instead, I found it felt rather fabricated. I didn’t hear any Ukrainian on the streets, and most of the neighbourhood seemed to be gentrified by hipster white Americans and students looking for affordable housing. I often found myself wondering what this meant for those who once called the neighbourhood home.
The contrast between the original culture and the modern, more commercialised environment evoked a sense of nostalgia for what was lost, which was only enhanced by what is happening in Ukraine right now
Similarly, I saw the same thing taking place in Greenpoint. What was once known as a thriving Polish neighbourhood was no longer the same. Each month I’d go - another restaurant would get shut down and another person I’d known would move out since they could no longer afford it. What struck me most was the change in the people around me. Many residents who lived there for a long time were being pushed out due to rising rents, and the cultural landscape I had initially felt in a way at home, began to feel more homogenised. Both Ukrainian and Polish communities were pushed out of neighbourhoods they once considered their own, now they move a couple miles further away from Manhattan to another neighbourhood they will call home until it happens again.
All my time while I was in America I questioned: why not choose the calmer, community life? Why is this the dream? Feeling isolated in the four walls of my New York apartment, waking up every day to the loud noises outside, seeing faces I don’t recognise every day. Why not move back home and have community, support and a sense of safety? I realised that as I was complaining about all of this I only had one option. I packed my things and I left. My dream is not to be surrounded by shiny things and a job that boosts my sense of self. I want to feel like I belong somewhere, a place where neighbours say hi to each other, a place where others take care of each other, a place we can call home.
Director, creative producer and assistant director. She is completing her studies at the Tisch School of New York University, where she is enrolled in the «Film and Television» program. During her time at New York University, she directed several films dedicated to social change. Many of the films she has worked on have been selected for participation in renowned film festivals. She believes that storytelling must always be imbued with truth and serve as a motivator for societal change.
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Even a small contribution to real journalism helps strengthen democracy. Join us, and together we will tell the world the inspiring stories of people fighting for freedom!
The Estonian politician has a reputation as a «Russophobe» because she can convincingly explain why Russia should not be trusted on land, in the Baltic Sea or at the negotiating table. It is rare to find someone in Brussels who calls things by their proper names. Kaja Kallas openly states that the war against Ukraine is not a minor regional conflict but rather a piece in a grand game where the ultimate prize is bringing Moscow’s subjects to heel.
The Estonian Prime Minister’s stance is so strong in the Western world that her name was among the finalists for the position of NATO’s new Secretary General
Photo: JONATHAN NACKSTRAND/AFP/East News
Here, an intriguing detail must be added: the refined blonde with a steely character is the Kremlin’s worst nightmare. She is not merely banned from entering Russia, as is the case with most rational EU politicians, but she is also the first government official whom Moscow has officially placed on a criminal wanted list for «desecration of a historical monument».
The reason - the decommunisation and removal of numerous monuments from the Soviet occupation period, carried out by Kallas’s government. Russia was particularly adamant about preserving a Soviet tank in the border town of Narva, where ethnic Russians significantly outnumber locals.
Previous Estonian governments had raised the issue of relocating the tank, which symbolised not so much the fight against Nazism as it did Russian militarism. However, fears lingered - the mass riots in Tallinn in 2007 (the so-called «Bronze Night»), carried out by local Russians and agitators from Russia in response to the relocation of a monument to a Soviet soldier in the Estonian capital, heightened concerns that another move could trigger a repeat of those events, from street clashes to cyberattacks on government websites. However, in the summer of 2022, after visiting the de-occupied town of Bucha, Kallas took the issue to a new level. In the end, despite the complaints of Russian speakers, the tank was sent to storage.
Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Kaja Kallas in Tallinn. January 2024. Photo: Associated Press/East News
In 2023, when the politician was already being named among those who could join the new European top elite, she gave an interview to British hard-talker Stephen Sackur. At the time, the journalist asked whether her heart was open to the 25% of Russian speakers who complained of severe oppression - they were not allowed to enter Estonia with Russian car number plates. Interestingly, the loudest outcries came from the so-called Russian opposition. Kallas’s response was firm:
- You are confusing two things. Russians who live here, we call Russian-speaking Estonians. And Russia is a separate matter. I want to point out that, firstly, in the 1920s, Russians in Estonia made up 3%. By the end of the occupation, it was 30%. So it is not as if they had always lived here...
- Are you saying that they are not real Estonians? - Sackur clarified.
- No, no. I am saying that those who want to be part of Estonia, who consider Estonia their home, have applied for citizenship, learned the language and are part of our society - they constitute the majority of our Russian-speaking population. We ask for only one thing: learn our language, because that is who we are, we live here - and it is a way to integrate them. Furthermore, I want to emphasise that even if we have a different history, we share a common future, and we are focused on that.
It felt like a cold shower, as nothing like this had ever been heard on the BBC.
Kallas takes a very sober view of today's threats due to her poignant family history
In March 2022, she wrote a column for the New York Times explaining why Russia’s occupation of Ukraine and its repressive actions reveal its true face.
«My mother was just a six-month-old baby when, in 1949, the Soviet authorities deported her along with her mother and grandmother to Siberia. My grandfather was sent to a Siberian labour camp. They were lucky to survive and return to Estonia, but many did not. Today, the Kremlin is reviving methods of outright barbarism», - Kallas admitted.
Young Kaja Kallas with her father. Photo: IG Kallas
Her father, Siim Kallas, played a central role in Estonia’s independence movement and was the president of the country’s central bank. When the young Kaja decided to try her hand at politics, many advised her against it. Some doubted that a model-like woman could also be intelligent, while others even called her a «daddy’s girl».
However, by 2014, Kallas, as a Member of the European Parliament, had already proven herself an expert in digitalisation and had become an advocate for Ukraine at the outset of the war with Russia. It is important to clarify - this was at a time when global leaders were reluctant to confront Moscow and saw no major issue with the annexation of Crimea. After all, there had been a referendum, people had chosen Russia. What was the problem?
As Europe's chief diplomat, Kallas has a very clear-eyed assessment of the risks facing Europe
Above all, these include various hybrid threats across the EU - sabotage, cyberattacks, the shadow fleet, GPS disruptions and damage to cables. She is pushing for increased funding for security and defence, as simply relying on Washington’s nuclear umbrella in the Trump era is akin to suicide.
Kaja Kallas is convinced that the European Union must launch its own defence industry, as she stated in an interview with Suspilne in December 2024:
- The defence industry is crucial because a war is raging on European soil, in Ukraine, and Putin shows no signs of abandoning his objectives.
European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and European chief diplomat Kaja Kallas. Photo: Geert Vanden Wijngaert/Associated Press/East News
As the rational voice of Brussels, she has subtly explained to the United States why supporting Ukraine is in America's best interests:
- If America is concerned about China, then it must first worry about Russia. We see that Russia, Iran, North Korea and China are working together. We also see what Putin is doing in other countries, actively expanding his influence. So, if the US wants to remain the world’s strongest power, it will ultimately have to deal with Russia. The easiest way to handle this is to support Ukraine so it wins the war.
Ukrainian diplomats who maintain close contact with Brussels all unanimously note that a new generation of competent and determined women has entered European politics. They are professional, steadfast in their positions and fully aware of their identity and purpose. The name Kaja Kallas is mentioned most often. She is not just a self-made woman but also a descendant of Estonians whom Russia deported like cattle to Siberia, hoping that no one would survive the lumber camps.
Yet Kallas’s mother survived and instilled in her daughter an understanding of why Russia is an enemy and why its favourite pastime is killing and looting
The Estonian with an unyielding character has become the loudest voice of Eastern Europe in Brussels, representing the very region that Moscow stubbornly considers its sphere of influence. However, as time and experience show, small nations also have a voice and teeth. They can bite the throat of the predator that pushes in uninvited.
The project is co-financed by the Polish-American Freedom Foundation as part of the «Support Ukraine» programme, implemented by the «Education for Democracy» Foundation
In late October, nearly all fashionable outlets and media outlets circulated a photo of the famous actress Sarah Jessica Parker. She appeared as the iconic character Carrie Bradshaw from «Sex and the City» - holding in her hands the fresh book «Patriot» - the posthumous memoirs of Alexei Navalny.
Anyone who watched the main hit of the late nineties remembers the on-screen Carrie as a confident character who taught women two things: not to feel ashamed of their love for fine shoes and to carry ultra-thin condoms in their bags. Throughout all six seasons and two full-length films, the New York columnist showed little interest in politics - unless one counts her brief romance with a local politician.
Sarah Jessica Parker's character holding Navalny's memoirs. Photo: zz/XNY/STAR MAX/IPx/Associated Press/East News
Thus, the fact that the latest propagandistic hit of Russian liberals immediately received native advertising in a popular series is somewhat concerning. Why is that? Opening the official book annotation reveals in black and white: Navalny’s «Patriot» contains a manifesto for transforming Russia, which includes «free elections, constitutional assemblies, decentralisation and a European orientation». Allegedly, this was the last entry in the diary of the Russian oppositionist just weeks before his death this winter.
In other words, the bait for American elites is more than clear - to play on sympathy and once again sell the illusion of a wonderful Russia, one that will certainly repent and westernise after Putin’s death
A few weeks have passed since the release of Sarah Jessica Parker’s photo - and the attempt to appeal to Western intellectuals continued. The press has published a rather interesting story about how the so-called Russian opposition purchased a house near the White House. For two million dollars from the pockets of unnamed sponsors, they created this «headquarters of resistance to the Putin regime».
This centre of Russian liberalism will be just two blocks away from Capitol Hill. Three flags will wave on the lawn in front of the building: white-blue-white (used by some Russian opposition figures since the full-scale war in Ukraine began), the EU flag and the NATO flag - according to the initiators - these are «future partners of Russia after the liberation from Putin’s regime». An interesting scene for White House staff, who will commute by bicycle to work each day.
The plan is to hold regular events of the Russian opposition here - seminars, discussions, fundraising events and meetings with American politicians. The first public event - «debates between representatives of the Democrats and Republicans on the topic of the “new administration’s policy on the war in Ukraine”». No mention of troop withdrawal from another country’s territory, reparations or threats to Poland and Lithuania as the next trophies.
Not only are Ukrainian flags near the White House now but also the flags of the Russian opposition. Photo: Nur Photo/East News
Thus, it can be stated clearly that Russia aims to impose its agenda on the United States regarding the war in Ukraine. It seeks to continue doing what it has managed since the collapse of the USSR - selling itself as the main arbiter of peace, security and trade in Eastern Europe.
Once upon a time, it was Americans who saved Russians from starvation - in the harsh nineties, it was containers of poultry, popularly called «Bush legs», that saved Russians from starvation.
Nowadays Russia is well aware that every day of the war in Ukraine makes it increasingly isolated - even if one is not misled by UN Secretary-General António Guterres bowing over a loaf of bread at the BRICS summit. Therefore, Russia will employ all methods - playing on sympathy, notes of nostalgia and creating the illusion that «never again» truly means never again. Simply forget everything, lift the sanctions and immediately join NATO and the EU.
Russia has never spared money on deception and manipulation, on trinkets and awards for Russian opposition figures abroad, who likely have little understanding of the daily life of the average Russian in rural areas
Yet the problem is evident - Russians are buying their own PR in popular series and purchasing properties for future residencies close to the White House - which raises the thought of what Eastern European countries, often torn apart by Moscow, might offer as an antidote. Perhaps a shack of our own, a block away from Capitol Hill, could host discussions with Polish and Ukrainian intellectuals who live in their homeland, rather than sitting on grants as political exiles.
Clearly, this is a new challenge for Poland and Ukraine, against which the idea of an improved Russia, following the replacement of the current dictator with someone more charming and bearded, will be marketed. The aim of this initiative is simple - to make Western leaders forget about shifting focus to Poland and Ukraine as key pillars of Eastern Europe, and to once again attempt to mould a maniac into an angelic figure with rosy cheeks.
Only childhood photos of Hitler, Stalin and Putin show that all of them were once adorable infants. But this did not prevent them from killing millions and tearing down borders
Project co-financed by the Polish-American Freedom Foundation within the framework of the «Support Ukraine» programme, implemented by the Education for Democracy Foundation.
A herald of apocalypse or a much-needed disruptor of the current world order? Donald Trump spent his first three weeks as US president in turbo mode. Dozens of decisions and executive orders, even more statements and extended interviews - he has dominated the global news space and is ready for decisive action.
The absolute priority of the new Administration is ending the war in Ukraine. Is a swift peace possible, and how long-lasting might it be? Senior fellow and adviser at the Centre for European Policy Analysis (CEPA), British writer and journalist Edward Lucas answered these and other questions in an exclusive interview with Sestry.
A spring truce
Maryna Stepanenko: According to The Independent, Donald Trump wants to end the war in Ukraine by spring. How realistic is such a plan?
Edward Lucas: I do not think even Trump himself seriously believes he can end the war by spring. He may be able to initiate some negotiations. Perhaps he will manage to alter the current parameters of the war, but he will not end it.
The US president has repeatedly stated that he will exert pressure on Moscow, including through sanctions, should the Kremlin refuse to negotiate. We can see that the first threat - lowering the price of oil - has already begun to materialise. Trump said that reducing prices would affect Putin’s ability to finance the war. How effective could this approach be, considering Russia’s ability to diversify its energy exports, for example, to China or India?
A collapse in oil prices is a good idea in terms of increasing economic pressure on Putin. However, I doubt that it will be a decisive factor. I think the Russian economy has demonstrated remarkable resilience, both in terms of physical endurance against Ukrainian attacks on infrastructure and in terms of its export stability, import substitution capability, and overall ability to cope with sanctions. Thus, I would be surprised if low oil prices forced Putin to the negotiating table in a weak position. Nevertheless, I still consider it a good move.
Do you believe that Trump’s «carrot-and-stick» strategy - combining pressure on Moscow with open offers of negotiations - could force Putin to make concessions?
It is possible if you have the right sticks and the right carrots, but I am not an optimist.
I believe there is a significant risk of wishful thinking. It is entirely possible that Putin will irritate Trump to such an extent that the latter will return to supporting Ukraine with all the necessary weaponry, apply real pressure on Russia, and deal the Kremlin a decisive defeat on the battlefield. We would all be delighted by this, but I think the chances of it happening are rather low.
It is more likely that America will huff and puff but will not fundamentally change the situation. I think it is quite probable that Trump will tell the Europeans: «If you are so concerned about Ukraine, then fix the situation yourselves». Meaning they will have to provide more money and weapons instead of coming to the United States expecting Washington to solve all their problems.
This fully aligns with Trump’s worldview. He needs one major deal in the coming months because he wants to receive the Nobel Peace Prize. And this could be a deal that at least temporarily halts Russia’s war against Ukraine
However, it could also be a deal between the Israelis and major Arab states, particularly Saudi Arabia. Thus, he is searching for a large-scale agreement, but it does not necessarily have to involve Ukraine. And I believe that a peace deal concerning Ukraine will be much harder to achieve than one in the Middle East.
On February 9th, it became known that Trump spoke on the phone with Putin about the war in Ukraine. Photo: Ben Curtis/Associated Press/East News
So, if the new Administration fails to make progress in resolving the war in Ukraine in the coming months, what are the most likely scenarios? Could Washington lose interest?
If Trump does not consider European security important for America and believes that Europeans should handle it themselves, then Ukraine, as a key issue of European security, may fall out of his agenda.
Europeans will have to make considerable efforts to convince Trump of Europe’s importance, as he perceives it rather negatively and seeks to exert pressure for economic and business reasons
Could one imagine Trump addressing Congress to request another 100 billion dollars for Ukraine? It is not impossible, but it is unlikely. Therefore, large volumes of American aid for Ukraine this year seem unrealistic.
At the same time, Putin believes he has the advantage on the battlefield and that the West is losing unity. He sees a gradual decline in morale in Ukraine and is not inclined to negotiate. If he is convinced he can win by military means, why would he agree to talks?
Coincidentally, in Putin’s recent statements, we hear that Russia is supposedly ready for negotiations. The Russian president is also flattering Trump, speaking about his «good relations» with the current US president. What signals is Moscow thus sending to the White House?
I do not consider Putin an idiot. And he knows it is important not to offend Trump. Of course, he will say he is ready for negotiations.
However, I do not believe that Russia currently sees a need for serious negotiations. I suspect that Putin will sit at the negotiating table and say: «We want a demilitarised Ukraine. We want guarantees that you will never join NATO». And another two or three demands, including the incorporation of temporarily occupied territories into Russia.
Would Trump consider this unacceptable? Perhaps not. Would Ukrainians consider it unacceptable? Almost certainly. Would Europeans be willing to support Ukrainians in their continued resistance? Possibly. But I am not sure.
But I believe that this is the most likely scenario. From Ukraine’s perspective, we will see quite an unreasonable negotiating position from Putin. And this is not the same as the beginning of real negotiations
What can Ukraine do?
Trump has said he is ready to meet with Putin at any time. Is there a risk that Ukraine’s fate could be decided behind Kyiv’s back?
There is always a risk of another Yalta (referring to the Yalta Conference of 1945, when the leaders of the USA (Roosevelt), the UK (Churchill) and the USSR (Stalin) determined the post-war world order, effectively dividing Europe into spheres of influence, leading to Soviet control over Eastern Europe, - Edit.). Trump may want to humiliate Europe and declare that he has decided everything, forcing others to accept his deal.
To prevent this, Ukraine and Europe must act as one entity and clearly state that they will not accept an agreement between Trump and Putin
Even if the US steps aside, Ukraine must demonstrate that it will continue to fight. This alone will strengthen its negotiating position. However, there are two realities: diplomatic manoeuvres and the situation on the battlefield. What happens at the negotiating table depends on events at the front.
Ukraine is rightly asking its partners to guarantee its security to prevent another Russian attack should an agreement on a ceasefire be reached. Given the painful experience of the Budapest Memorandum, what should new guarantees for Ukraine look like, and what could ensure their real enforcement?
This is the key question: is a genuine truce possible, and how can Ukraine’s security and development be ensured? This requires strong military and security guarantees, but paper agreements do not work. NATO is not ready to accept Ukraine, and the deployment of 40-60 thousand troops to monitor the truce seems unrealistic.
An alternative could be providing Ukraine with high-tech weaponry - for example, Taurus or Tomahawk missiles. But is the West truly ready to allow Ukraine to use them at its own discretion? This is a major question.
My pessimistic forecast is that there will be a truce, but without reliable security. Russia will test these guarantees, they will prove weak, and the situation will eventually become even worse
The «Axis of Evil»
As soon as Trump concludes a peace agreement, a race between Russia and the West to prepare their armies for the next conflict will begin, - writes The Times, citing sources. Given the economic sanctions and the depletion of resources due to the prolonged war against Ukraine, will Russia be capable of competing with the West in modernising its armed forces? Could the Kremlin find support from a «new axis of aggressors» for this?
It is worth remembering that, ultimately, Russia has an economy comparable to or slightly smaller than Italy’s. And they have paid a terrible price for the first three years of the war. However, predictions of Russia’s economic collapse have turned out to be wishful thinking.
Putin still has many options, both in terms of economic resilience and mobilisation. And as long as Russians believe this is an existential struggle for their country’s future, they will endure pain and sacrifices. Moreover, I think Putin sees that the West is still very weak, and he now has a great opportunity to capitalise on military successes in Ukraine, advance further, and possibly return after a ceasefire to completely eradicate the remnants of Ukrainian resistance, taking advantage of these, I fear, weak security guarantees.
He also has an opportunity to toy with NATO and the weakness of the Alliance’s northeastern flank, particularly in the Baltic states, where we still lack proper defences. There are plans, but no adequate defence capabilities. This is a very tempting target.
And it is not difficult to imagine that by the end of this year or next - Putin could secure a massive victory in Ukraine and dismantle NATO, making the economic and other pains caused by such a victory worthwhile.
Could a scenario arise in which Trump pressures China to, in turn, influence Russia into signing a deal with Ukraine?
China has a unique ability both to pressure and support Russia. But is Beijing interested in US mediation, after which Trump would take all the credit? Perhaps, if Beijing secures its own benefits.
However, China has no experience in international diplomacy that would suggest an ability to broker major deals. It prefers when Western countries ask it to influence Russia - this gives Beijing additional leverage
Given the trade disputes between the US and China, it is unlikely that Xi Jinping will consider providing Trump with a geopolitical favour regarding Ukraine a priority.
Is there a tool for long-term containment of Russia?
The only long-term hope is the transformation of Russia from an empire into a peaceful state. If this happens, resolving other problems will become significantly easier. However, as long as Russia remains imperial, the threats will not disappear.
NATO is no longer an effective response - it is too large, slow, and divided. Coalitions of countries that understand the threat and are ready to contain Russia in different regions are needed. This process should have begun 10-15 years ago. Now we are late, and perhaps even too late.
NATO exercise STEADFAST DEFENDER-24. Photo: AA/ABACA/Abaca/East News
Do you believe that a coalition of willing countries could provide security guarantees for Ukraine? If NATO is not an option, could countries such as the United Kingdom, Germany and France collaborate by deploying their troops in Ukraine to prevent further Russian aggression?
A coalition of allies could theoretically deploy troops in Ukraine as a deterrent force, but what happens when the time comes to actually use it? Are the United Kingdom, France, Germany, and Poland ready to go to war with Russia over an Odesa blockade or a new offensive?
It is doubtful. To make guarantees truly reliable, 100 thousand troops would be needed, similar to West Germany during the Cold War. Europe does not have such resources - even 50 or 10 thousand would be hard to find.
European allies and NATO simply lack the capacity to mobilise the massive forces necessary to defend Ukraine. They could protect Ukraine through modern weaponry.
Theoretically, nuclear weapons could be placed on the frontline in Ukraine as a guarantee
However, this is associated with enormous political challenges, and I am not sure they are ready for such a level of risk. Without sufficient strength and willingness to take risks, providing truly effective security guarantees is extremely difficult.
The future of Putin’s Russia
Russia propagates the narrative that its economy is immune to Western sanctions. The EU claims this is untrue. How do you assess the situation inside Russia? How much longer can Moscow sustain its war against Ukraine under current sanctions pressure?
We tend to engage in wishful thinking when speaking about Russia. It has managed to mobilise its resources, even at a tremendous cost to its own future. The economy is suffering serious blows, financial system problems are accumulating, including a rise in bad loans in the private sector. Yet, despite this, Russia continues to wage war.
We want it to collapse, so we are inclined to believe it is already happening. However, Russia continues to find ways to sustain the war: it receives drones from Iran, recruits troops from North Korea, and circumvents sanctions through China. Moreover, it still has unused resources.
Future generations of Russians will be forced to pay for Putin’s imperial ventures. But at the moment, Russia is not backed into a corner. It is likely to endure for at least another one or two years, and even if the situation becomes critical, the Kremlin will find ways to adapt.
Has the West exhausted its imagination regarding sanctions? Are there still powerful tools that have not yet been applied?
Of course. We have not even used all available options. The West is looking for sanctions that will strike Russia without causing pain to itself. That is why we restrict pipeline oil and gas imports but not liquefied natural gas. We block crude oil supplies but not petroleum products. As a result, sanctions create difficulties for Russia but also open up a business model for those who help circumvent them - from Russians to businessmen in Dubai.
I would impose strict secondary sanctions, particularly against the «shadow fleet», bankers, lawyers and accountants who facilitate the evasion of restrictions. For example, I would strip them of visa-free entry to the US, Europe, and Britain. If you are a lawyer or trader in Dubai engaged in sanction evasion schemes, then to travel to the West, you will now have to queue at consulates alongside students, nannies, and asylum seekers.
A comfortable life for such people must come to an end
There are still many possibilities, but political will is lacking. And Putin sees this. Ultimately, the West has grown tired, frightened, and distracted - and Ukraine is paying the price. This fills me with both sorrow and anger.
What might Russia’s economy look like in 5-10 years if international isolation continues?
In the long term, Russia is increasingly turning into a dependent vassal of China. Chinese companies are buying up assets for next to nothing, investing in strategic sectors, and Russia’s economy is becoming ever more oriented towards exports to China. Trade and investment ties between the countries are only strengthening. In the end, Russia risks becoming a raw material appendage of the Chinese Communist Party - hardly the future Putin promised his citizens.
Cover photo: Deposit/East News
The project is co-financed by the Polish-American Freedom Foundation under the «Support Ukraine» programme, implemented by the «Education for Democracy» Foundation
In America, a student's semester abroad is expected to be one of the most life-changing experiences a college student can have. You are told by your Grandparents, Aunts, friends, and even the weird neighbour down the street how meaningful their semester abroad was, or if they didn’t go abroad they will tell you how much they envy your life and the adventures you will go on. Suffice it to say, much anticipation goes into four months in a foreign country.
As I get ready to leave for Poland I can’t help but wonder; am I supposed to come back as a different person after these four months?
I blow kisses toward my parents as I cross the boundary toward security; knowing the next time we talk I’ll be alone in Poland in a brand new dorm room.
I rouse from my forced sleep after twenty-four hours of travel. I opened my eyes and looked out the window to see farmland zoom by us as the plane hit the tarmac. We landed in Wroclaw, Poland. My new home for the next four months.
Through the window of a taxi, I get my first glimpses of my new home. I grew up in a small town in Colorado, the four walls of my home were the mountains that surrounded our quant valley.
As I look out the window I can tell easily that this city was going to be a big change
Wroclaw spires
As I settle into my bed ready to let the exhaustion of travel rock me to sleep, I begin to toss and turn. My windows were open because of the heat. Through the windows, the noise of the city reaches my ears. Cars honk at each other, dogs bark, and I can feel the vibration of the trams as they move back and forth along their rails. At home, I am met with crickets and the occasional car, but here in the centre of this new city, a cacophony of noise reaches my ears as I try to fall asleep.
I wake up to a different world. Everything here seems to be just a little bit upside down and topsy-turvy
There are two duvet blankets on my bed instead of the standard one. Next to my bed, the outlets are completely different, I mean why can’t we just standardize plugs? Everyone has the same type of phone anyway? We standardized watts and electricity. Why can’t we standardize outlets? Walking outside of my dorm building I find a brightly lit neon green sign. What even is a Zabka? Next thing I know they are absolutely everywhere. Every one-hundred feet I find another one of these brightly lit stores.
After getting my Urban Card for transportation I got on my first tram. When I hop on there is no one to check my card. To my absolute surprise, I learned that I probably won’t have my transportation card checked for months. I guess the honour system is in full effect here.
The history of Wroclaw spans over more than 1000 years
I don’t think I’ve ever lived anywhere with so much history. In the first week of my education in Poland, I learned about medieval kingdoms that divided the land of Poland during the 17th century, and how eighty per cent of the city I live in now was turned to rubble during the end of the Second World War. Wherever I step in this new city I feel like I’m treading on history and walking through ghosts of the past. I don’t feel like the city is haunted, but I feel like the city's bricks reach out to me in an effort to not be forgotten.
Some things do stay the same though. In cities, there is still immense amounts of traffic. Just like in New York City, people keep their heads down as they move through the streets; never stopping to greet someone. The trivial things like bed sheets and outlets feel completely different, but the human experience stays the same.
Getting adjusted to a new city is always a difficult task, however, as I lay in my bed I feel myself being lulled to sleep by the now comforting sounds of the city outside my window
In Wroclaw, the modern is organically combined with the historical
I’m excited to adventure throughout Poland and I am starting to feel open to letting myself have my life changed by this place.
On this special day, our editors and authors wrote a couple of words about their work at Sestry, about their heroes, their emotions - about everything that became so important during this year of working in the media.
Joanna Mosiej-Sitek, CEO of Sestry
Our year on the frontline in the fight for truth.We are a community of women. Women journalists. Women editors. Our strength is our voice. We stand for shared European values, democracy and peace. We are the voice of all those who, like us, believe that the future lies in dialogue, tolerance and respect for human rights. These people believe in a world where we can forgive past grievances and focus our energy on building a better future. They are not divided by the words of politicians. Every day, we do everything possible to listen to and understand one another, knowing that this is the only way to fight disinformation and fake news. Our voice, our struggle, is just as vital to our security as new tanks and drones. Over the past year, we have given a platform to thousands of stories in our effort to build a better world. We understand that building a strong, multi-ethnic, and united community is a long journey, and we are only at the beginning.
Sestry on the Independence Day of Ukraine. Warsaw, August 24th 2024
Maria Gorska, Editor-in-Chief
When my colleagues at Gazeta Wyborcza and I decided to create Sestry.eu, it was the second winter of the war. My newborn daughter lay in her stroller, wearing a red onesie covered in gingerbread men, and all she knew was how to smile and reach out to her mother. Today, my little Amelia is a strong toddler, running around the park near our home in Warsaw, shouting, «Mom, catch the ball!» and laughing when I lift her into my arms. She comforts her doll when it cries.
She still does not know what Ukraine is. And that is why I am doing this media project. Not to one day tell my child about her homeland, but to ensure that she grows up in an independent, safe, and prosperous Ukraine - as a free citizen of Europe.
Joanna Mosiej-Sitek and Maria Gorska at the presentation of the inaugural «Portraits of Sisterhood» award
Tetiana Bakotska, journalist
The stories we publish in Sestry make an impact - motivating readers to take action. After my article about a refugee shelter in Olsztyn that had been closed, leaving some Ukrainian families in dire straits, five Ukrainian families reached out to say they had received help. Single mothers raising young children were given food, clothing and fully stocked backpacks for school.
Thanks to the article «Sails Save Lives» and the efforts of Piotr Paliński, hundreds of meters of sails were collected in Poland to be sewn into stretchers for wounded soldiers. On August 24th 2024, Olsztyn scout Dorota Limontas delivered the sails to Kyiv as part of a humanitarian convoy, along with medical equipment for several Kyiv hospitals, donated by the Voivodeship Adult and Children’s Hospitals in Olsztyn.
After the publication about the humble mechanic, Mr. Piotr, who in 2022 donated over 500 bicycles to Ukrainian children, the initiative gained new momentum. Once again, hundreds of children - not only in Olsztyn but in other regions of Poland as well - received bicycles as gifts. Bicycles were also sent to Ukraine for orphaned children cared for by the family of Tetiana Paliychuk, whose story we also shared.
Nataliya Zhukovska, journalist
For me, Sestry became a lifeline that supported me during a challenging moment. The full-scale war, moving to another country, adapting to a new life - this is what millions of Ukrainian women faced as they fled from the war, leaving their homes behind. I was fortunate to continue doing what I love in Poland - journalism. Even more so, I was fortunate to engage with people who, through their actions, are writing the modern history of Ukraine - volunteers, soldiers, combat medics and civil activists.
I remember each of the heroes from my stories. I could endlessly recount their lives. One might think that a journalist, after recording an interview and publishing an article, could simply move on. That is how it was for over 20 years of my work in television. The subjects of news stories were quickly forgotten. But this time, it is different. Even after my conversations with these heroes, I keep following their lives through social media. Though we have only met online, many of them have become my friends. Reflecting on the past year, I can only thank fate for the opportunity to share the stories of these incredible, strong-spirited Ukrainians with the world.
Journalists of Sestry
Aleksandra Klich, editor
When we began forming the Sestry editorial team a year ago, I felt that it was a special moment. Media like this are truly needed. In a world ravaged by war, overwhelmed by new technologies and crises, where information, images, and emotions bombard us from all sides, we seek order and meaning. We search for a niche that offers a sense of safety, space for deep reflection, and a place where one can simply cry. That is what Sestry is - a new kind of media, a bridge from Ukraine to the European Union.
Working with my Ukrainian colleagues has restored my faith in journalism. It has rekindled in me the belief that media should not just be click factories or arenas of conflict, but a source of knowledge, truth - however painful - and genuine emotions, which we can allow ourselves to experience in the hardest moments. Thanks to my work with Sestry and the daily focus on Ukraine, the most important questions have come alive within me: «What does patriotism mean today? What does it mean to be a European citizen? What does responsibility mean? What can I do - every day, constantly - to help save the world? And finally: Where am I from? For what purpose? Where am I headed?» These questions do not leave a person at peace when they stand on the edge. We create media in a world that is on the edge. The women of Ukraine, their experiences and struggles, remind me of this every day.
Mariya Syrchyna, editor
Over our first year, our readership has grown steadily - numbers show that our audience has increased 8-10 times compared to last year. This growth is because Sestry is no ordinary publication. Most of us journalists live in other countries due to the war, but from each of these countries, we write about what pains us the most. About Ukraine and its resilient people. About what hinders our victory over the enemy - hoping to reach those with the power to help. About the challenges we face in our new homes and how we overcome them. About our children.
We strive to talk to people who inspire and bring light in these dark times - volunteers, artists, doctors, athletes, psychologists, activists, teachers, journalists. But most importantly, we tell the stories of our warriors. I once dreamed that Ukraine’s elite would change and that the country’s fate would be shaped by worthy people. That wish has come true - though in a cruel way. The new heroes of our time are the soldiers who nobly bear the weight of the fight against both the enemy and the world’s indifference. Here, at Sestry, we tell their stories again and again to everyone who has access to the internet and a heart. In three languages. We hope that these stories will ensure their names are not forgotten and their deeds are not distorted.
A sister is someone who can be anywhere in the world but still feels close. She may annoy you, but if someone offends her, you are the first to defend her and offer a hand. That is exactly the kind of publication Sestry aspires to be - reliable and close. All the way to victory, and beyond.
Presentation of the inaugural «Portraits of Sisterhood» award
Maryna Stepanenko, journalist
I have been with Sestry for nine months. In that time, I have conducted 22 powerful interviews with people I once only dreamed of speaking to in person. Politicians, generals, commanders and even the deadliest U.S. Air Force pilot. Getting in touch with him was a challenge - no online contacts, except for his publisher. There was also a fan page for Dan Hampton on Facebook. As it turns out, he manages that page himself and is quite responsive to messages.
It took me two months of persistent outreach to secure an interview with Kurt Volker, but I eventually succeeded. And my pride - Ben Hodges, whose contacts were once obtained under strict confidentiality.
In these nine months, I have learned a few key lessons: do not be afraid to ask for an interview with someone you admire, and when choosing between talking to a Ukrainian celebrity or a foreign general, always opt for the general. I am grateful to be the bridge between their expert opinions and our readers.
Kateryna Tryfonenko, journalist
«Why did you ask me that?». This is one of those funny memorable occurrences. I was working on an article about military recruitment, with part of the piece focused on international experience. One of the experts I spoke with was an American specialist from a military recruitment center. I made sure to tell him upfront that the questions would be very basic, as our readers are not familiar with the intricacies of the United States military system. He had no objections. We recorded the interview, and a few days later, I received a message from him that began, «I am still very puzzled by our conversation. I keep thinking about the questions you asked me. Why did you ask me that?». The message was long, and between the lines, it almost read «Are you a spy?». This was a first for me. To avoid causing him further distress, I offered to remove his comments from the article if our conversation had unsettled him that much. However, he did not object to the publication in the end. Although I wonder if, to this day, he still thinks it was not all just a coincidence.
Nataliya Ryaba, editor
I am free. These three words perfectly describe my work at Sestry. I am free to do what I love and what I do best. Free from restrictions: our editorial team is a collective of like-minded individuals where everyone trusts each other, and no one forbids experimenting, trying new things, learning, and bringing those ideas to life. I am free from stereotypes. Our multinational team has shown that nationality and historical disputes between our peoples do not matter - we are united, working toward the common goal of Ukraine’s victory and the victory of the democratic world. I am free to be who I want to be in our newsroom. Yes, I work as an editor, but I can grab my camera and run as a reporter to protests or polling stations - wherever I want to go. No one forbids me from creating what I want, and I am grateful for this freedom. It gives me wings.
A journalist from Sestry at a polling station with the future Prime Minister of Poland
Anastasiya Kanarska, journalist
Like many women, I always thought I wanted to have a son. Well, maybe two kids, but one of them had to be a boy. But as my understanding of myself and the world grew, and the likelihood of not having children at all increased, the idea of being a good mother to a happy, self-sufficient daughter became an exciting challenge. Learning from each other, respecting personal boundaries, and caring for one another - that is what makes working in a women’s circle so empowering. For me, starting work with Sestry coincided with a deeper exploration of my female lineage - strong women like my colleagues, who at times embody Demeter, Persephone, Hera, Aphrodite, Artemis, or Hestia. The themes of my articles, whether written, edited, or translated by me, often mirror my own life events or thoughts. Maybe that is the magic of the sisterhood circle.
Olena Klepa, SMM specialist
«I feel needed here». I went to my first interview with Sestry three months before the official launch of the project: in old DIY shorts, a T-shirt from a humanitarian aid center, with a «dandelion» hairstyle and seven years of TV experience. I was not looking for a job. I was content working as a security guard at a construction site, always learning, taking free online training. But for some reason, all my supervisors kept asking: «Have you found something for yourself yet? Any interesting opportunities?» They would tell me I did not belong there and was meant for something greater.
Sestry found me. So, when I first went to the meeting, I decided, «All or nothing». It was not a typical interview. It was a meeting of people with similar values and a shared goal. We spoke different languages but understood each other instantly. The plans were ambitious and, at first glance, unrealistic. They needed a social media manager. The responsibility scared me, but I never say «I can't» until I try. Experience has shown that you can learn anything. At Sestry, I feel needed. I feel like I have room to grow. I love that I can combine all my accumulated experience here, that I can experiment. But most importantly, I no longer feel guilty. My country is at war. The enemy is not only on the frontlines. Russian propaganda has extended its tentacles far beyond its borders. By creating social media content, telling stories about Ukrainians on the frontlines to people in Poland, and showing Ukrainians that Poles «have not grown tired of the war», I am helping Ukraine hold its ground in the information space.
Our journalists document all important events
Beata Łyżwa-Sokół, photo editor
Many years ago, a photo editor colleague considered changing jobs and trying her luck abroad. However, one editor strongly advised her against it: «You will never be as recognised in a newsroom in New York or London as you are at home. You will never reach the same level of language proficiency as your native-speaking colleagues. At best, you will be an assistant to the head photo editor. In a foreign newsroom, you will always be a foreigner». She listened and stayed in the country, despite having studied English at university and being fluent enough that language would not have been a barrier. A few years later, she left the profession altogether, deciding that journalism no longer had a place for her - that it simply did not exist anymore.
Since then, the media landscape has changed drastically. Many believe that in the age of social media, journalism is no longer necessary. The world is evolving, and so are the media. However, I never stopped believing in its importance. I did not run away from journalism; instead, I sought a new place for myself. That is how I found Sestry, where I met editors and journalists who had come to Poland from war-torn Ukraine. After a year of working together, I know that we are very similar in many ways, but also differ in others. We listen to each other, argue, go to exhibitions together, and share a bottle of wine from time to time.
When I started working at Sestry, and we were discussing what kind of photographs should illustrate the site with our editor-in-chief, Mariya Gorska, I heard her say, «This is your garden». It was one of many fantastic phrases I heard during the months of working together - words that shaped our professional and personal relationships. In an era of fake news, bots and media crises, it was particularly important to me, as the photo editor of Sestry, to consider how we tell the story of what is happening in Ukraine through photography. I observe the media around the world, and thanks to the editors on our site, I notice that these images are often superficial, not based on direct testimony or experience, and rely on stereotypes.
For me, direct contact with Ukrainian journalists and editors is invaluable in my daily work. I am convinced that journalism projects based on such collaboration represent an opportunity for the media of the future. They are a guarantee of reliability and effectiveness in places where people’s lives are at stake, even in the most remote corners of the world.
In Kathryn Bigelow’s film «Zero Dark Thirty», there is a scene where the protagonist, a CIA agent responsible for capturing Osama bin Laden, faces a group of Navy SEALs participating in the operation. One of them, sceptical about the success of the mission (particularly because it is being led by a woman), asks his colleagues: «Why do you trust her? Why should I trust her?». Another replies: «Because she knows what she is doing». That is exactly how I feel working at Sestry. I work with editors and journalists from Ukraine who know what they are doing and why - and I feel incredibly comfortable because of that.
We are here to listen and collaborate with our community. Contact our editors if you have any questions, suggestions, or interesting ideas for articles.
