By clicking "Accept all cookies", you agree to the storage of cookies on your device to improve site navigation, analyze site usage, and assist in our marketing efforts. Please review our Privacy Policy for more information.
Все про подорожі автодомом у Польщі: оренда, купівля, популярні моделі й кемпер-маршрути
Весна — це час, коли разом з природою прокидається бажання пригод. Поїхати в подорож кемпером означає свободу у виборі місця зупинки й можливість не платити за ночівлю в готелях. Взяти в оренду автодім в Польщі коштує від 400 злотих на добу. Що треба знати, щоб подорожувати будинком на колесах було комфортно?
Подорожувати кемперами люблять діти і закохані. Фото: Shutterstock
No items found.
Support Sestry
Even a small contribution to real journalism helps strengthen democracy. Join us, and together we will tell the world the inspiring stories of people fighting for freedom!
У Польщі подорожі автодомом користуються популярністю. Кемпер можна не тільки купити, але й взяти в оренду. Ціна оренди кемпера залежить від сезону: найдорожчий період — з червня по вересень — коштує 600-800 злотих за добу в залежності від моделі. У квітні, травні, вересні, жовтні — дешевше: 450-650 злотих/доба. А найприємніші ціни в березні й листопаді — 400-500 злотих/доба.
Як вибрати модель автотрейлера
Найпопулярніша модель кемпера в Польщі — MERCEDES Balcamp SP720. Комфортним цей автодім буде для максимум чотирьох дорослих: тут можна готувати, прийняти душ, тут є холодильник і спальні місця. Зручними і більшими (на 5 спальних місць) є моделі Kronos 284M и Kronos 265TL.
Що потрібно для подорожі автодомом
Для поїздок підійде звичайне посвідчення водія категорії B. Є можливість орендувати кемпер з водієм, який вже знає всі популярні маршрути в країні.
За оренду будинку на колесах треба буде залишити заставу: від 3 до 6 тисяч злотих. Ці гроші вам повернуть після подорожі, якщо автомобіль буде неушкодженим і чистим. Зазвичай гроші повертають без проблем, адже автівка застрахована, але можуть вирахувати частину коштів за брудний салон, сміття та меншу кількість палива в бензобаку.
Готель на колесах
Також в Польщі є окрема категорія кемперів преміум-класу, оренда якіх буде значно дорожчою — від 2000 до 2900 злотих за добу у високий сезон. Від звичайного автотрейлера його відрізняє сучасний дизайн салону, максимальна укомплектованість і більша кількість спальних місць. Це вже як готель на колесах: білизна, рушники, весь посуд, базові продукти, снеки й вода, телевізор тощо. Є можливість розкласти навіс і стіл, аби відпочити на природі. Зазвичай в таких автодомах залишають розкладні столи й стільці, набори для ігор на свіжому повітрі, креми від комарів, аптечку, гігієнічні засоби, також є кріплення для велосипедів і містке сховище для речей. Іноді навіть є сауна! Але кожна нова опція — це додаткові кошти.
Як купити кемпер у Польщі
Купити кемпер у Польщі можна за 40-тисяч 250 злотих. Зазвичай хороший автомобіль в базовій або вище середнього комплектації коштує 100-130 тисяч злотих. Купують також старі автотрейлери й самостійно їх доробляють. Популярним варіантом є купівля на американських аукціонах, де ціни набагато нижчі. Наприклад, там можна придбати хороший кемпер за 60 000 злотих.
Найкращі маршрути для подорожі кемпером у Польщі
Насамперед — це дорога до Балтійського узбережжя. Воно надзвичайно красиве, до того ж там чимало місць для зупинки (кемпінгів).
Не менш красивою буде подорож до Західного Помор’я (Pomorze Zachodnie), наприклад, у райони навколо Свіноуйсьце, Мендзиздроє чи Реваля. У цьому регіоні теж багато кемпінгів європейського рівня.
Озеро Соліна (Jezioro Solińskie) — також одне з улюблених місць для кемпоманів у Польщі. Озеро та Бещади гарантують краєвиди, як з рекламних проспектів. А зупинитися можна, приміром, у Соліні чи Полянчику, де є вибір кемпінгів.
Також великий вибір кемпінгів на Мазурах. Вибір місць тут настільки великий, що кожен дійсно зможе знайти щось для себе. Якщо вам подобається спокій і тиша, можна подумати про те, щоб відправитися трохи далі — до національного парку Бебжа.
Мендзибродське озеро (Jezioro Międzybrodzkie) — маловідоме чарівне місце, розташоване недалеко від Живця. Живецькі Бескиди — одне з найкрасивіших місць Польщі, де завжди тихо і немає натовпу. До того ж тут є цікаві туристичні місця. Наприклад, Живецький музей пивоваріння чи міні-зоопарк, який так люблять діти.
На Краківсько-Ченстоховській височині (Jura Krakowsko-Częstochowska) також значна кількість кемпінгів і лісових стоянок. А ось в Щавниці (Szczawnica), де все це також є, можна на додачу спробувати рафтинг по річці Дунаєць.
Вартість ночівлі в кемпінгах Польщі на власному авто складає 80-150 злотих.
Карту кемпінгів Польщі доступна за посиланням. Найбільша база кемпінгів у Європі знаходиться тут.
Журналістка, PR-спеціалістка. Мама маленького генія з аутизмом та засновниця клубу для мам «PAC-прекрасні зустрічі у Варшаві». Веде блог та ТГ-групу, де допомагає мамам особливих діток разом зі спеціалістами. Родом з Білорусі. В студентські роки приїхала на практику до Києва — і залишилася працювати в Україні. Працювала у щоденних виданнях «Газета по-київськи», «Вечірні вісті», «Сьогодні». Була автором статей для порталу оператора бізнес-процесів, де вела рубрику про інвестиційну привабливість України. Має досвід роботи smm-менеджером і маркетологом у девелоперській компанії. Вийшла заміж на телепроєкті «Давай одружимося», коли виконувала редакційне завдання. Любить людей та вважає, що історія кожного унікальна. Обожнює репортажі та живе спілкування.
R E K L A M A
Support Sestry
Even a small contribution to real journalism helps strengthen democracy. Join us, and together we will tell the world the inspiring stories of people fighting for freedom!
Згідно з дослідженнями Національного реєстру боргів у Польщі, кожен четвертий поляк отримував штраф за відсутність квитка в громадському транспорті.
Якщо почитати місцеві українські групи, з українцями теж подібне трапляється часто. І не завжди через бажання «проїхати зайцем». Запізнюєтесь і вирішили купити квиток у контролера в поїзді — а там саме перевірка. Купили квиток, зайшли в автобус, а контролер вже заблокував всі компостери. Розрядився телефон з електронним квитком у момент перевірки. Забули проїзний в іншій сумці. «Списалися» гроші з рахунку, але квиток не завантажився. Уникнути штрафа в таких ситуаціях неможливо.
Що робити, якщо на момент перевірки ви фактично були з квитком, мали право на проїзд, зокрема, пільговий, але не змогли це підтвердити? Розповідаю з власного досвіду.
Перше, що варто зробити: взяти себе в руки
Трапляється, що контролери поводять себе досить грубо, не хочуть слухати жодних пояснень, виправдань, вимагають сплатити штраф на місці, бо це дешевше. Якщо ви дійсно порушили, з власної вини, або випадково через незнання, то цей штраф дійсно краще оплатити на місці. Несвоєчасна сплата загрожує тим, що штраф може суттєво ускладнити вам життя — пенею, проблемами з легалізацією, забороною на перетин кордону тощо.
Якщо у вас був квиток або право на пільговий проїзд, ви в цьому впевнені та можете довести, не поспішайте оплачувати штраф, оскільки потім доведеться ще й писати заяву на повернення коштів.
Візьміть штрафну квитанцію, уважно її вивчить. У документі про штраф будуть:
підстави штрафу
сума
реквізити для оплати
час та рейс, де був виписаний штраф
На папірці зі штрафом, виписаним доньці, було написано, що у нас є сім днів на його оскарження. У разі, якщо хочемо оплатити до 14 днів, вартість штрафу складе 302,30 злоті, якщо після 14 днів — 552,30 злотих. Пізніше прочитала, що якби штраф був сплачений на місці, це обійшлося б у 200 злотих.
У Варшаві діють нижчі тарифи: 266 злотих за стандартний квиток і 196 злотих за пільговий квиток, з можливістю зменшення штрафу на 40% за негайну оплату або на 30% за оплату протягом 7 днів. У Кракові штраф за проїзд без квитка становить 300 злотих за стандартний квиток і 200 злотих за пільговий квиток, хоча сплата збору в касі або протягом 7 днів після виписки штрафу може зменшити штраф на 50% або 25% відповідно. У Вроцлаві штраф за відсутність квитка становить 280 злотих, тоді як у Познані такі самі суми застосовуються до звичайних та пільгових квитків, з можливістю 50% знижки при оплаті протягом 7 днів. У Гданську штрафи нижчі: 180 злотих за стандартний квиток і 140 злотих за пільговий квиток, з можливістю зменшення штрафу до 126 злотих і 100,80 злотих відповідно за умови швидкої оплати.
Друге: перевірте, чи дійсно вас оштрафували незаконно
Варто зайти на сайт регіонального перевізника та перечитати всі умови перевезення. У кожного воєводства свої регіональні правила і особливості: вартість квитків, пільги, форма підтверджуючого документу тощо.
Як з'ясувалося, у більшості польських міст шкільної легітимації недостатньо для отримання 100% знижки на проїзд, потрібно ще посвідчення — електронне в додатку, або ж пластикове, видане самою компанією-перевізником. Як кажуть, легітимація підходить до першого контролера, який заплющить очі на букву закону. Однак теоретично пільга була, легітимація, яка підтверджувала вік, була, тож ми спробували написати претензію.
Список залізничних перевізників Польщі знайдете тут, а от із міським та міжміським транспортом складніше. Єдиного ресурсу немає, а шукати і знайти свого перевізника необхідно, бо на його сайті є адреси пунктів обслуговування громадян, куди подається претензія (reklamacja). Деякі ми зібрали в кінці статті.
Перед візитом до пункту обслуговування треба підготувати лист. Вписати своє ім'я, прізвище, номер песеля, адресу, потім детально (номер транспорту, номер контролера, номер штрафної квитанції) описати, з чим саме ви не погоджуєтеся. Беріть із собою песель, документ, який засвідчує особистість, штрафну квитанцію.
Третє: грамотно обґрунтуйте звернення, чому ви нічого не порушували
У нашому випадку ми вказали в листі-претензії, що контролеру була надана шкільна легітимація, на телефоні був встановлений додаток транспортної компанії, контролер не запропонував актуалізувати пільгову карту, а натомість одразу виписав штраф.
У випадку, якщо ви купили квиток, а оплата не пройшла вчасно, зробіть виписку з банку, де видно час, коли пройшла оплата, порівняйте з часом, коли був виписаний штраф.
Якщо ви забули актуальний проїзний, зробіть копію, візьміть його із собою.
Штраф нам скасували, допомогли актуалізувати в додатку пільгову картку, а також видали пластикову, яку можна носити із собою та показувати контролеру, якщо розрядився телефон чи немає інтернету.
Ця історія обійшлася мені в 30 злотих — 20 ми заплатили в пункті обслуговування клієнтів за опрацювання документів, ще 10 витратили на ксерокс.
Ця ситуація стала приводом уважніше читати правила перед тим, як користуватися будь-яким видом транспорту.
Для довідки: список сайтів громадського транспорту у містах Польщі
Together with experts in combating disinformation, Sestry analysed the most common Russian narratives found in Ukraine, Poland, Germany and Europe in general. They examined how these messages are tailored for different audiences, the platforms where Russian propaganda is most frequently encountered, how to distinguish destructive content, and whether it achieves its goals.
Constructing Reality
Propaganda always strives to construct an alternative reality and aims to make it as simple as possible, explains Doctor of Political Science and Professor at Kyiv Polytechnic Institute, Lidiia Smola:
- Let me give an example: for weeks, the idea has been spreading that Trump will prohibit the supply of weapons to Ukraine. Moreover, Trump’s extravagant statements provide grounds for various interpretations. This narrative, this framework about a ban on weapons for Ukraine, is continuously supplemented with informational messages.
This starts to destabilise society, making people think: that is it - Trump will come, and it will all end for us
The fundamental goal of Russians, continues Lidiia Smola, is to divide and demoralise:
- To demoralise the part of Ukrainian society engaged in volunteering, making them think there is no point in doing so. To demoralise those on the frontline, to sow discord with messages such as: while you are at war, those in the rear are having fun. That is, to create conflict between those fighting and those in the rear, between those who left and those still in Ukraine.
Russia is not just active, it systematically analyses all the sensitive points in Ukraine
Propaganda for Poland
When it comes to Poland, the current primary goal of Russian propaganda is to instigate fear, negative emotions and disinformation, says Director of the «Democracy and Civil Society» programme at the Institute of Public Affairs (Instytut Spraw Publicznych), Sonia Horonziak:
- This is achieved mainly through the dissemination of fake news online, styled to resemble authentic press reports. These news items predominantly concern Poland’s involvement in the war in Ukraine, the border situation, and the country’s internal affairs.
The strategic goal of Russian propaganda in Poland is to create a situation where, if not pro-Russian, at least neutral attitudes towards Russia prevail, alongside anti-American and anti-European sentiments, notes Michał Marek, head of the external threats analysis group at the National Research Institute NASK:
- Russia’s main objective is to withdraw Poland from the European Union and NATO, to ensure the absence of troops and bases of our Western partners. However, on the way to this goal, they pursue smaller objectives. For instance, they fuel anti-Ukrainian sentiments to make Poland and its government reduce support for Ukraine.
Do they succeed in this? Michał Marek believes not entirely. But where they do succeed, in his opinion, is in inflaming the issues that irritate both Ukrainians and Poles the most.
Propaganda Techniques
«Stop Supporting Ukraine» - this has been Russia’s main narrative in Germany for some time, notes Lea Frühwirth, Senior Research Fellow at the German Centre for Monitoring, Analysis and Strategy (CeMAS):
- This can be presented in various forms: claims about the danger posed by Ukrainian refugees or assertions that continued support for Ukraine threatens the German economy. We also frequently observe content suggesting that supporting Ukraine places Germans under a direct threat of war.
Typical markers of pro-Russian content focus primarily on Ukraine, crafting a particular image of the conflict to dissuade people from supporting Ukraine, continues Lea Frühwirth. Another emphasis seems to be on attacks against the current German government, aligning with Russia’s goal of gradually destabilising the situation in Ukraine.
Putin uses various channels to influence people, including traditional television. Photo: Rex Features/East News
In recent weeks, Russia has applied a tactic in Ukraine’s information space which might be labelled as «mental fatigue». The idea is that a psychologically and emotionally drained Ukrainian society might eventually accept a frozen conflict and agree to territorial losses, notes Doctor of Political Science and Professor at Kyiv Polytechnic Institute, Lidiia Smola. Russian propaganda attempts to place all responsibility solely on the Ukrainian authorities. While there are indeed many questions to be asked of them, the lack of effective communication, coupled with the absence of public and transparent discussions on significant issues, creates a space for Russian propaganda to act, the expert continues:
- And Russia focuses on this. Had the system of strategic communication at the governmental level operated effectively, had the media endeavoured not just to quickly fill the information space with provocative and manipulative headlines but aimed to inform society thoughtfully, the situation could have been different. Another issue is the credibility of so-called experts.
Nowadays, anyone can call themselves an expert, which completely undermines the notion of expertise
In Polish information space, false and fake news is most commonly disseminated online, especially on major social media platforms and far-right internet portals, says Sonia Horonziak, Director of the «Democracy and Civil Society» programme at the Institute of Public Affairs (Instytut Spraw Publicznych). Often, this information immediately provokes strong emotions, portrays the Polish government in an extremely negative light, and highlights events that adversely affect Polish society:
- Disseminated messages often combine partially truthful information or images but provide them with false context. Thus, we see an authentic photograph associated with a completely different past event.
Moreover, the role of artificial intelligence in creating increasingly sophisticated fake images or videos depicting certain events or individuals, often from the political world, is growing
From a structural perspective, disinformation campaigns such as «Twin» are well-studied and usually follow the same pattern, making them relatively easy to identify, notes Lea Frühwirth, Senior Research Fellow at CeMAS:
- For example, if a self-proclaimed news site appeared in my feed, resembling a well-known German newspaper but disseminating only overtly pro-Russian material, I would automatically become cautious.
Channels of Influence
There are several channels of fake communication in general, continues Lea Frühwirth. The first is the attempt to fill the information space with disinformation on topics of interest to Russia. However, it appears they focus more on the quantity of these messages than on their quality:
- To be manipulative, this content does not even need to contain outright lies. Simply highlighting one aspect of a problem while ignoring others, or pretending to be German citizens expressing concern while actually being part of a bot network, is also misleading. On the other hand, there are local pro-Russian influencers who repeat typical Kremlin talking points. Usually, we cannot determine their motivation - they might be paid or genuinely believe in it.
The war against Ukraine is one of the topics used daily by creators of fake news. This is detailed in a report by SCIENCE+, the largest journalistic network combating disinformation in Central Europe. In 2024, no new key disinformation narratives emerged, instead, existing ones were adapted to current events. The report records manipulations around the threat of war with Russia, societal divisions over positions on Ukraine, and the myth of a conflict between «the West» and «the East». These narratives became part of widespread attacks on democratic elections in Slovakia, Bulgaria, Moldova and Romania.
Young people are most frequently targeted by disinformation. Most do not engage with traditional media and instead obtain information from unreliable influencers. This contributes to a tendency among the youth to support radical or populist politicians.
A striking example is Romania, where the Constitutional Court annulled the results of the first round of presidential elections after President Klaus Iohannis declassified intelligence data showing that Russia had organised thousands of social media accounts to promote the radical pro-Russian politician Călin Georgescu through platforms like TikTok and Telegram. In 2025, presidential elections will be held in Poland. Russia will undoubtedly seek to exert influence, says Michał Marek, head of the external threats analysis group at the National Research Institute NASK:
- But in our current situation in Poland, the Romanian scenario is unlikely. They will not succeed in seriously influencing these elections.
Pro-Russian agents might have an impact on parliamentary elections. However, when it comes to presidential elections, I would not overestimate their ability to exert influence
Tactics, markers, and effectiveness of propaganda
Propaganda typically evokes extreme emotions, explains Sonia Horonziak, Director of the «Democracy and Civil Society» programme at the Institute of Public Affairs (Instytut Spraw Publicznych):
- You should ask yourself why you have not heard this information on public television or radio. Secondly, you should verify this information through various official sources. Most often, such information is not confirmed in any way. Some social networks also add contextual information to certain content, which can influence its perception. It is always worth searching for additional context.
Among the popular tools of Russian propaganda are aggressive rhetoric, threats, intimidation and nuclear blackmail. During the so-called year-end summary, the Russian president reiterated the claim that there are no air defence systems capable of intercepting the «Orieshnik» missile. According to Putin, even the missile defence systems in Poland and Romania would not intercept this missile. However, there is a percentage of people in Poland under the influence of Russian propaganda who might take such threats seriously and perceive other Russian narratives as real, says Michał Marek, head of the external threats analysis group at the National Research Institute NASK:
- Overall, the Polish society does not seem to fear this. It is clear that for many Poles, the war in Europe is perceived as a reality - in Europe, meaning between NATO and Russia. But the threats themselves, the «Orieshnik» topic, are not a factor widely believed by us Poles. Russians have been trying to frighten us for years - with nuclear strikes, with claims we would freeze to death without Russian gas.
So new threats are mostly viewed as just another scare tactic. The effectiveness of such Russian propaganda, frankly speaking, is not very high
Critical thinking
Anyone can fall into the trap of propaganda, says Lea Frühwirth, Senior Research Fellow at the German Centre for Monitoring, Analysis and Strategy (CeMAS):
- Human information processing is imperfect. It is not a pleasant thought, but it is the first step to awareness. We all need to establish a basic level of awareness and critical thinking. I would recommend using reliable and authoritative media outlets that adhere to journalistic standards to stay informed about what is happening in the world. Social media, on the other hand, is an information sphere where we must be prepared to encounter misleading content. If you notice something suddenly causing you excessive emotions, it is worth taking a step back and evaluating rationally to avoid contributing to the spread of fake news.
Among the popular tools of Russian propaganda are aggressive rhetoric, threats, intimidation and nuclear blackmail. Photo: Shutterstock
Russian propaganda typically divides the world into «black» and «white», «us» and «them», attempting to impose this division on Ukrainians. A characteristic approach is the emotional pressure - all these visualisations, publications of videos showing killed Ukrainian soldiers, notes Lidiia Smola, Doctor of Political Science and Professor at Kyiv Polytechnic Institute:
- A marker of propaganda is that you are urged to act impulsively and emotionally. For example, you go to social media and see a photo of an unfamiliar person appealing emotionally, for instance, «like this post because I am going to the frontline». And such posts then garner thousands of likes. Why? Because people want to feel part of something important. However, how these pages are used later and what is disseminated through them is rarely considered.
That is why it is crucial to critically evaluate resources and not succumb to manipulative calls for immediate action
For Ukraine, the factor of despair, constantly fuelled by hostile propagandists, is also significant. This is the narrative of an unbeatable Russia, notes Lidiia Smola:
- It works through emotional swings: from a state of sharp excitement to depression, when people write: everything is lost, we cannot win, Russia is winning. In such cases, I always ask where Russia was in 2022 with all its powerful and prepared army, and where it is now.
This project is co-funded by the Polish-American Freedom Foundation under the «Support Ukraine» programme implemented by the «Education for Democracy» Foundation
For the longest time it has been my dream to move to America but after living there for three years, I decided to move back to Poland. Just like my parents, I thought that living in America was going to offer me this big American dream, but that was not the case. I think due to the ways in which America is portrayed, I had this preconceived notion of what my life is going to look like but I was unaware of the jarring realisations that come with moving to the West.
When I got there I wouldn't say that I missed my old life in Poland. Everything felt new and exciting and I felt like «I made it» but the longer I spent time in the US the more I realised the sad realities of America. Life in the East is highly focused on community: I know my neighbours, I get my fruits and vegetables from a local market stand, my friends buy me beers when I’m out of cash, but my experience in America was the complete opposite of that. Unless you’re in a borough where you grew up or have built a community, all your experiences are transactional. I found myself thinking that I’m forming a relationship with someone to quickly later on finding that they wanted something from me, blurring the line whether friendships can exist outside of work or status.
What was the most difficult for me when I was there was really understanding my identity in the realm of the US
In America, I am perceived as a white girl and my identity as a Polish person is not necessarily considered unless I bring it up in a conversation. This was really difficult for me to understand because I feel like I'm coming from a country that focuses on identity so much. I felt like that was just being stripped away. I couldn't really identify myself with where I lay in the US. Should I be considered an immigrant or should I be considered a Polish American? It was really unclear for me. I was aware of the privileges that I have in America due to being a white woman but I couldn’t identify or relate to the white American women around me.
Photo: Shutterstock
I didn't really feel at home there unless I was in a neighbourhood such as Greenpoint where I was able to socialise with Polish people, and when it came to my university, I only met one other Polish person. It wasn't until I became friends with a Ukrainian guy who came from an immigrant family. He understood exactly what I was talking about. The Americans only perceived him as a white boy and he was unable to identify with white American men either. We would discuss our similarities and differences of being Polish and Ukrainian and the terror that's happening in the world right now that most of our peers in America seemed to ignore. I think that America is so centralised in its country and politics that a lot of issues outside that don’t concern people there just seem to be irrelevant and I think especially when you are an immigrant you can find yourself feeling lost.
That friend of mine made me realise how much I miss my country and how much I miss my community because he was the closest to what felt like a community to me in America. It's a weird experience to be an Eastern European because, on one hand, most Eastern European countries have been historically oppressed but on the other hand, you do carry the privilege of being a white person and should hold yourself accountable for having that privilege.
It's just not talked about enough how much history affected Eastern European countries and especially in the West I don't see many people being aware of what happened.
I remember how in one of my classes an American kid didn’t even know about what’s happening in Ukraine. «What war?» they said and I couldn’t believe what I was hearing
I got so angry, how can one not know? Everything there is centralised in their country, excluding anything that doesn’t focus on it or on their ideals of individualism. I couldn't take it anymore - «America this, America that», - no news about another country, while their country is one responsible for most war crimes in the world and is simultaneously one able to stop these wars.
Photo: Shutterstock
In New York, I lived in the Ukrainian neighbourhood of the East Village, hoping it would bring me a sense of peace. Instead, I found it felt rather fabricated. I didn’t hear any Ukrainian on the streets, and most of the neighbourhood seemed to be gentrified by hipster white Americans and students looking for affordable housing. I often found myself wondering what this meant for those who once called the neighbourhood home.
The contrast between the original culture and the modern, more commercialised environment evoked a sense of nostalgia for what was lost, which was only enhanced by what is happening in Ukraine right now
Similarly, I saw the same thing taking place in Greenpoint. What was once known as a thriving Polish neighbourhood was no longer the same. Each month I’d go - another restaurant would get shut down and another person I’d known would move out since they could no longer afford it. What struck me most was the change in the people around me. Many residents who lived there for a long time were being pushed out due to rising rents, and the cultural landscape I had initially felt in a way at home, began to feel more homogenised. Both Ukrainian and Polish communities were pushed out of neighbourhoods they once considered their own, now they move a couple miles further away from Manhattan to another neighbourhood they will call home until it happens again.
All my time while I was in America I questioned: why not choose the calmer, community life? Why is this the dream? Feeling isolated in the four walls of my New York apartment, waking up every day to the loud noises outside, seeing faces I don’t recognise every day. Why not move back home and have community, support and a sense of safety? I realised that as I was complaining about all of this I only had one option. I packed my things and I left. My dream is not to be surrounded by shiny things and a job that boosts my sense of self. I want to feel like I belong somewhere, a place where neighbours say hi to each other, a place where others take care of each other, a place we can call home.
In America, a student's semester abroad is expected to be one of the most life-changing experiences a college student can have. You are told by your Grandparents, Aunts, friends, and even the weird neighbour down the street how meaningful their semester abroad was, or if they didn’t go abroad they will tell you how much they envy your life and the adventures you will go on. Suffice it to say, much anticipation goes into four months in a foreign country.
As I get ready to leave for Poland I can’t help but wonder; am I supposed to come back as a different person after these four months?
I blow kisses toward my parents as I cross the boundary toward security; knowing the next time we talk I’ll be alone in Poland in a brand new dorm room.
I rouse from my forced sleep after twenty-four hours of travel. I opened my eyes and looked out the window to see farmland zoom by us as the plane hit the tarmac. We landed in Wroclaw, Poland. My new home for the next four months.
Through the window of a taxi, I get my first glimpses of my new home. I grew up in a small town in Colorado, the four walls of my home were the mountains that surrounded our quant valley.
As I look out the window I can tell easily that this city was going to be a big change
Wroclaw spires
As I settle into my bed ready to let the exhaustion of travel rock me to sleep, I begin to toss and turn. My windows were open because of the heat. Through the windows, the noise of the city reaches my ears. Cars honk at each other, dogs bark, and I can feel the vibration of the trams as they move back and forth along their rails. At home, I am met with crickets and the occasional car, but here in the centre of this new city, a cacophony of noise reaches my ears as I try to fall asleep.
I wake up to a different world. Everything here seems to be just a little bit upside down and topsy-turvy
There are two duvet blankets on my bed instead of the standard one. Next to my bed, the outlets are completely different, I mean why can’t we just standardize plugs? Everyone has the same type of phone anyway? We standardized watts and electricity. Why can’t we standardize outlets? Walking outside of my dorm building I find a brightly lit neon green sign. What even is a Zabka? Next thing I know they are absolutely everywhere. Every one-hundred feet I find another one of these brightly lit stores.
After getting my Urban Card for transportation I got on my first tram. When I hop on there is no one to check my card. To my absolute surprise, I learned that I probably won’t have my transportation card checked for months. I guess the honour system is in full effect here.
The history of Wroclaw spans over more than 1000 years
I don’t think I’ve ever lived anywhere with so much history. In the first week of my education in Poland, I learned about medieval kingdoms that divided the land of Poland during the 17th century, and how eighty per cent of the city I live in now was turned to rubble during the end of the Second World War. Wherever I step in this new city I feel like I’m treading on history and walking through ghosts of the past. I don’t feel like the city is haunted, but I feel like the city's bricks reach out to me in an effort to not be forgotten.
Some things do stay the same though. In cities, there is still immense amounts of traffic. Just like in New York City, people keep their heads down as they move through the streets; never stopping to greet someone. The trivial things like bed sheets and outlets feel completely different, but the human experience stays the same.
Getting adjusted to a new city is always a difficult task, however, as I lay in my bed I feel myself being lulled to sleep by the now comforting sounds of the city outside my window
In Wroclaw, the modern is organically combined with the historical
I’m excited to adventure throughout Poland and I am starting to feel open to letting myself have my life changed by this place.
We are here to listen and collaborate with our community. Contact our editors if you have any questions, suggestions, or interesting ideas for articles.