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Що робити, коли близька людина померла в Польщі? Алгоритм дій і ціни
Смерть близької людини — удар, а коли це відбувається за кордоном, на додачу доводиться вирішувати безліч бюрократичних нюансів, в яких мало що розумієш. Сьогодні вартість похорону в Польщі — від 4000 злотих, а кремація та перевезення в Україну коштують від 8000 злотих. Що ще необхідно знати?
Коли людина в горі, їй може допомогти чіткий набір інструкцій. Фото: Shutterstock
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Що робити і куди звертатись у разі смерті українця в Польщі?
Коли людина вмирає, першим юридичним нюансом стане отримання свідоцтва про смерть. У Польщі воно називається karta zgonu і його видає лікар. Якщо людина вмирає не в лікарні, то перше, що потрібно зробити — викликати швидку допомогу за номером 999. Лікар має констатувати смерть, і якщо у нього не виникло підозр у насильницькій смерті чи самогубстві, він видасть свідоцтво про смерть. Або ж викличе поліцію для подальшого розгляду обставин трагедії.
Із цим документом потрібно звернутися до Urząd Stanu Cywilnego й отримати акт про смерть (akt zgonu). Про трагічний випадок сюди треба повідомити протягом трьох днів, а якщо людина померла від інфекційного захворювання — протягом 24 годин.
Обидва документи (karta zgonu і akt zgonu) видаються безкоштовно, akt zgonu можна отримати у трьох примірниках, ціна додаткових копій — 22 злотих.
Іноземці можуть бути поховані в Польщі, але якщо іноземець або його рідні хочуть перевезти тіло чи урну з прахом на батьківщину, необхідно повідомити про смерть людини ще й до посольства.
У разі смерті, ДТП чи загрози життю українців у Польщі телефон гарячої лінії з таких питань у Посольстві України у Варшаві +48 698 608 837
В амбасаді допоможуть зібрати необхідні документи для перевезення покійного, а найголовніше — видадуть дозвіл на перевезення тіла. До цього дозволу потрібно буде додати Pozwolenie właściwego państwowego powiatowego inspektora sanitarnego — це документ від головного санітарного інспектора, який дозволяє транспортування тіла.
Зазвичай посольство консультує та допомагає зібрати необхідні документи на території РП, але безпосередньо витрати на транспортування й організація процесу перевезення — справа родичів. Здебільшого це завдання делегується міжнародним похоронним бюро, що мають спеціальний транспорт для перевезення.
«Коли від інфаркту померла мама, ми вирішили перевозити урну з порохом до України, — ділиться киянка Марта Ковальчук. — Зробити все самостійно майже нереально, хоч посольство допомагає з оформленням документів. Але кремація, транспортування тіла в межах Польщі та в Україну коштує грошей. Все разом нам обійшлося близько 2000 євро, і це ще вважається недорого. Плюс ми оплатили похорон в Україні.
У Польщі є міжнародні похоронні бюро, вони добре працюють і консультують щодо оформлення документів, їх знають у посольстві. Я б рекомендувала оформлювати страховку життя, яка передбачає у випадку смерті покриття витрат на транспортування тіла».
Скільки коштують у Польщі перевезення тіла, кремація та поховання? Розцінки на ритуальні послуги
Щоб уникнути витрат, пов'язаних із перевезенням тіла та бюрократією, чимало українців ховають близьких у Польщі. Ціна питання — від 4000 злотих. Ця сума покриває основні послуги: транспортування тіла, підготовку до поховання, організацію похоронної церемонії. Додаткові опції у вигляді дорогої урни чи труни, квітів, організації самої церемонії коштують додаткових грошей.
Місце на цвинтарі Варшави коштує від 1000 до 100000 злотих. Вартість кремації починається від 1500 злотих. Варто зважати, що не кожний крематорій співпрацює з приватними особами, вимагаючи посередника у вигляді похоронного бюро, що робить процес дорожчим.
Сьогодні кремація в Польщі стає популярною — це набагато дешевше, ніж традиційний похорон. Але, згідно з польським законодавством, зберігати прах померлого у будинку не можна, як не можна й розвіяти його у лісі чи горах. Це вважається злочином, за який передбачено кримінальну відповідальність. За законом, урну з прахом можна поховати на цвинтарі або використовувати для зберігання надземну гробницю чи колумбарій.
У Польщі проводять католицький і світський похоронні обряди, на яких може бути присутнім церемоніймейстер. Вартість пишного прощання може сягати 60 тисяч злотих.
Транспортування урни з прахом з Польщі в Україну без додаткових витрат коштує від 200 євро, а труни — від 700 євро.
Фінансова допомога на похорон у Польщі: як отримати?
Таку допомогу (zasiłek pogrzebowy) виплачує ZUS (Zaklad Ubezpieczeń Społecznych) або KRUS (Kasa Rolniczego Ubezpieczenia Społecznego). Оформити його можуть не лише родичі, а й будь-яка людина чи організація, що займалися процесом похорону. Для цього потрібно буде пред'явити усі чеки. Якщо людина застрахована в ZUS, отримує допомогу з інвалідності або померла внаслідок нещасного випадку, організатори її похорону або члени сім'ї мають право на фінансову допомогу від держави.
Для оформлення потрібно:
• заповнити форму ZUS Z-12 або KRUS SR-26 (це внесок на виплату допомоги) • надати акт про смерть та свідоцтво про народження • надати оригінали рахунків, що підтверджують витрати на похорон • надати документи про родинні зв'язки з померлим, довідку платника внесків ZUS.
Подати ці документи можна протягом 12 місяців з дня смерті. Є виняток: якщо є проблеми з пошуком тіла або його ідентифікацією, документи можна подати протягом 12 місяців з дня похорону. Як правило, виплата здійснюється через 6-8 тижнів, зараз вона становить 6450 злотих.
Журналістка, PR-спеціалістка. Мама маленького генія з аутизмом та засновниця клубу для мам «PAC-прекрасні зустрічі у Варшаві». Веде блог та ТГ-групу, де допомагає мамам особливих діток разом зі спеціалістами. Родом з Білорусі. В студентські роки приїхала на практику до Києва — і залишилася працювати в Україні. Працювала у щоденних виданнях «Газета по-київськи», «Вечірні вісті», «Сьогодні». Була автором статей для порталу оператора бізнес-процесів, де вела рубрику про інвестиційну привабливість України. Має досвід роботи smm-менеджером і маркетологом у девелоперській компанії. Вийшла заміж на телепроєкті «Давай одружимося», коли виконувала редакційне завдання. Любить людей та вважає, що історія кожного унікальна. Обожнює репортажі та живе спілкування.
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On this special day, our editors and authors wrote a couple of words about their work at Sestry, about their heroes, their emotions - about everything that became so important during this year of working in the media.
Joanna Mosiej-Sitek, CEO of Sestry
Our year on the frontline in the fight for truth.We are a community of women. Women journalists. Women editors. Our strength is our voice. We stand for shared European values, democracy and peace. We are the voice of all those who, like us, believe that the future lies in dialogue, tolerance and respect for human rights. These people believe in a world where we can forgive past grievances and focus our energy on building a better future. They are not divided by the words of politicians. Every day, we do everything possible to listen to and understand one another, knowing that this is the only way to fight disinformation and fake news. Our voice, our struggle, is just as vital to our security as new tanks and drones. Over the past year, we have given a platform to thousands of stories in our effort to build a better world. We understand that building a strong, multi-ethnic, and united community is a long journey, and we are only at the beginning.
Maria Gorska, Editor-in-Chief
When my colleagues at Gazeta Wyborcza and I decided to create Sestry.eu, it was the second winter of the war. My newborn daughter lay in her stroller, wearing a red onesie covered in gingerbread men, and all she knew was how to smile and reach out to her mother. Today, my little Amelia is a strong toddler, running around the park near our home in Warsaw, shouting, «Mom, catch the ball!» and laughing when I lift her into my arms. She comforts her doll when it cries.
She still does not know what Ukraine is. And that is why I am doing this media project. Not to one day tell my child about her homeland, but to ensure that she grows up in an independent, safe, and prosperous Ukraine - as a free citizen of Europe.
Tetiana Bakotska, journalist
The stories we publish in Sestry make an impact - motivating readers to take action. After my article about a refugee shelter in Olsztyn that had been closed, leaving some Ukrainian families in dire straits, five Ukrainian families reached out to say they had received help. Single mothers raising young children were given food, clothing and fully stocked backpacks for school.
Thanks to the article «Sails Save Lives» and the efforts of Piotr Paliński, hundreds of meters of sails were collected in Poland to be sewn into stretchers for wounded soldiers. On August 24th 2024, Olsztyn scout Dorota Limontas delivered the sails to Kyiv as part of a humanitarian convoy, along with medical equipment for several Kyiv hospitals, donated by the Voivodeship Adult and Children’s Hospitals in Olsztyn.
After the publication about the humble mechanic, Mr. Piotr, who in 2022 donated over 500 bicycles to Ukrainian children, the initiative gained new momentum. Once again, hundreds of children - not only in Olsztyn but in other regions of Poland as well - received bicycles as gifts. Bicycles were also sent to Ukraine for orphaned children cared for by the family of Tetiana Paliychuk, whose story we also shared.
Nataliya Zhukovska, journalist
For me, Sestry became a lifeline that supported me during a challenging moment. The full-scale war, moving to another country, adapting to a new life - this is what millions of Ukrainian women faced as they fled from the war, leaving their homes behind. I was fortunate to continue doing what I love in Poland - journalism. Even more so, I was fortunate to engage with people who, through their actions, are writing the modern history of Ukraine - volunteers, soldiers, combat medics and civil activists.
I remember each of the heroes from my stories. I could endlessly recount their lives. One might think that a journalist, after recording an interview and publishing an article, could simply move on. That is how it was for over 20 years of my work in television. The subjects of news stories were quickly forgotten. But this time, it is different. Even after my conversations with these heroes, I keep following their lives through social media. Though we have only met online, many of them have become my friends. Reflecting on the past year, I can only thank fate for the opportunity to share the stories of these incredible, strong-spirited Ukrainians with the world.
Aleksandra Klich, editor
When we began forming the Sestry editorial team a year ago, I felt that it was a special moment. Media like this are truly needed. In a world ravaged by war, overwhelmed by new technologies and crises, where information, images, and emotions bombard us from all sides, we seek order and meaning. We search for a niche that offers a sense of safety, space for deep reflection, and a place where one can simply cry. That is what Sestry is - a new kind of media, a bridge from Ukraine to the European Union.
Working with my Ukrainian colleagues has restored my faith in journalism. It has rekindled in me the belief that media should not just be click factories or arenas of conflict, but a source of knowledge, truth - however painful - and genuine emotions, which we can allow ourselves to experience in the hardest moments. Thanks to my work with Sestry and the daily focus on Ukraine, the most important questions have come alive within me: «What does patriotism mean today? What does it mean to be a European citizen? What does responsibility mean? What can I do - every day, constantly - to help save the world? And finally: Where am I from? For what purpose? Where am I headed?» These questions do not leave a person at peace when they stand on the edge. We create media in a world that is on the edge. The women of Ukraine, their experiences and struggles, remind me of this every day.
Mariya Syrchyna, editor
Over our first year, our readership has grown steadily - numbers show that our audience has increased 8-10 times compared to last year. This growth is because Sestry is no ordinary publication. Most of us journalists live in other countries due to the war, but from each of these countries, we write about what pains us the most. About Ukraine and its resilient people. About what hinders our victory over the enemy - hoping to reach those with the power to help. About the challenges we face in our new homes and how we overcome them. About our children.
We strive to talk to people who inspire and bring light in these dark times - volunteers, artists, doctors, athletes, psychologists, activists, teachers, journalists. But most importantly, we tell the stories of our warriors. I once dreamed that Ukraine’s elite would change and that the country’s fate would be shaped by worthy people. That wish has come true - though in a cruel way. The new heroes of our time are the soldiers who nobly bear the weight of the fight against both the enemy and the world’s indifference. Here, at Sestry, we tell their stories again and again to everyone who has access to the internet and a heart. In three languages. We hope that these stories will ensure their names are not forgotten and their deeds are not distorted.
A sister is someone who can be anywhere in the world but still feels close. She may annoy you, but if someone offends her, you are the first to defend her and offer a hand. That is exactly the kind of publication Sestry aspires to be - reliable and close. All the way to victory, and beyond.
Maryna Stepanenko, journalist
I have been with Sestry for nine months. In that time, I have conducted 22 powerful interviews with people I once only dreamed of speaking to in person. Politicians, generals, commanders and even the deadliest U.S. Air Force pilot. Getting in touch with him was a challenge - no online contacts, except for his publisher. There was also a fan page for Dan Hampton on Facebook. As it turns out, he manages that page himself and is quite responsive to messages.
It took me two months of persistent outreach to secure an interview with Kurt Volker, but I eventually succeeded. And my pride - Ben Hodges, whose contacts were once obtained under strict confidentiality.
In these nine months, I have learned a few key lessons: do not be afraid to ask for an interview with someone you admire, and when choosing between talking to a Ukrainian celebrity or a foreign general, always opt for the general. I am grateful to be the bridge between their expert opinions and our readers.
Kateryna Tryfonenko, journalist
«Why did you ask me that?». This is one of those funny memorable occurrences. I was working on an article about military recruitment, with part of the piece focused on international experience. One of the experts I spoke with was an American specialist from a military recruitment center. I made sure to tell him upfront that the questions would be very basic, as our readers are not familiar with the intricacies of the United States military system. He had no objections. We recorded the interview, and a few days later, I received a message from him that began, «I am still very puzzled by our conversation. I keep thinking about the questions you asked me. Why did you ask me that?». The message was long, and between the lines, it almost read «Are you a spy?». This was a first for me. To avoid causing him further distress, I offered to remove his comments from the article if our conversation had unsettled him that much. However, he did not object to the publication in the end. Although I wonder if, to this day, he still thinks it was not all just a coincidence.
Nataliya Ryaba, editor
I am free. These three words perfectly describe my work at Sestry. I am free to do what I love and what I do best. Free from restrictions: our editorial team is a collective of like-minded individuals where everyone trusts each other, and no one forbids experimenting, trying new things, learning, and bringing those ideas to life. I am free from stereotypes. Our multinational team has shown that nationality and historical disputes between our peoples do not matter - we are united, working toward the common goal of Ukraine’s victory and the victory of the democratic world. I am free to be who I want to be in our newsroom. Yes, I work as an editor, but I can grab my camera and run as a reporter to protests or polling stations - wherever I want to go. No one forbids me from creating what I want, and I am grateful for this freedom. It gives me wings.
Anastasiya Kanarska, journalist
Like many women, I always thought I wanted to have a son. Well, maybe two kids, but one of them had to be a boy. But as my understanding of myself and the world grew, and the likelihood of not having children at all increased, the idea of being a good mother to a happy, self-sufficient daughter became an exciting challenge. Learning from each other, respecting personal boundaries, and caring for one another - that is what makes working in a women’s circle so empowering. For me, starting work with Sestry coincided with a deeper exploration of my female lineage - strong women like my colleagues, who at times embody Demeter, Persephone, Hera, Aphrodite, Artemis, or Hestia. The themes of my articles, whether written, edited, or translated by me, often mirror my own life events or thoughts. Maybe that is the magic of the sisterhood circle.
Olena Klepa, SMM specialist
«I feel needed here». I went to my first interview with Sestry three months before the official launch of the project: in old DIY shorts, a T-shirt from a humanitarian aid center, with a «dandelion» hairstyle and seven years of TV experience. I was not looking for a job. I was content working as a security guard at a construction site, always learning, taking free online training. But for some reason, all my supervisors kept asking: «Have you found something for yourself yet? Any interesting opportunities?» They would tell me I did not belong there and was meant for something greater.
Sestry found me. So, when I first went to the meeting, I decided, «All or nothing». It was not a typical interview. It was a meeting of people with similar values and a shared goal. We spoke different languages but understood each other instantly. The plans were ambitious and, at first glance, unrealistic. They needed a social media manager. The responsibility scared me, but I never say «I can't» until I try. Experience has shown that you can learn anything. At Sestry, I feel needed. I feel like I have room to grow. I love that I can combine all my accumulated experience here, that I can experiment. But most importantly, I no longer feel guilty. My country is at war. The enemy is not only on the frontlines. Russian propaganda has extended its tentacles far beyond its borders. By creating social media content, telling stories about Ukrainians on the frontlines to people in Poland, and showing Ukrainians that Poles «have not grown tired of the war», I am helping Ukraine hold its ground in the information space.
Beata Łyżwa-Sokół, photo editor
Many years ago, a photo editor colleague considered changing jobs and trying her luck abroad. However, one editor strongly advised her against it: «You will never be as recognised in a newsroom in New York or London as you are at home. You will never reach the same level of language proficiency as your native-speaking colleagues. At best, you will be an assistant to the head photo editor. In a foreign newsroom, you will always be a foreigner». She listened and stayed in the country, despite having studied English at university and being fluent enough that language would not have been a barrier. A few years later, she left the profession altogether, deciding that journalism no longer had a place for her - that it simply did not exist anymore.
Since then, the media landscape has changed drastically. Many believe that in the age of social media, journalism is no longer necessary. The world is evolving, and so are the media. However, I never stopped believing in its importance. I did not run away from journalism; instead, I sought a new place for myself. That is how I found Sestry, where I met editors and journalists who had come to Poland from war-torn Ukraine. After a year of working together, I know that we are very similar in many ways, but also differ in others. We listen to each other, argue, go to exhibitions together, and share a bottle of wine from time to time.
When I started working at Sestry, and we were discussing what kind of photographs should illustrate the site with our editor-in-chief, Mariya Gorska, I heard her say, «This is your garden». It was one of many fantastic phrases I heard during the months of working together - words that shaped our professional and personal relationships. In an era of fake news, bots and media crises, it was particularly important to me, as the photo editor of Sestry, to consider how we tell the story of what is happening in Ukraine through photography. I observe the media around the world, and thanks to the editors on our site, I notice that these images are often superficial, not based on direct testimony or experience, and rely on stereotypes.
For me, direct contact with Ukrainian journalists and editors is invaluable in my daily work. I am convinced that journalism projects based on such collaboration represent an opportunity for the media of the future. They are a guarantee of reliability and effectiveness in places where people’s lives are at stake, even in the most remote corners of the world.
In Kathryn Bigelow’s film «Zero Dark Thirty», there is a scene where the protagonist, a CIA agent responsible for capturing Osama bin Laden, faces a group of Navy SEALs participating in the operation. One of them, sceptical about the success of the mission (particularly because it is being led by a woman), asks his colleagues: «Why do you trust her? Why should I trust her?». Another replies: «Because she knows what she is doing». That is exactly how I feel working at Sestry. I work with editors and journalists from Ukraine who know what they are doing and why - and I feel incredibly comfortable because of that.
On June 20th the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) published an annual report with positive feedback towards the European countries’ efforts in Ukrainian people protection. However, it encouraged them to provide proper protection and support to all seekers of refuge regardless of their ethnicity. Are Ukrainian refugees really more desirable in the EU than emigrants from other countries? Does the attitude towards Ukrainians change? Will they send Ukrainian men of conscription age home, and why, despite the scale of migration, they don’t consider the Ukrainian migrants a problem in the EU? Sestry asked a historian, lawyer and migration specialist about it
The EU never called it a crisis
From the perspective of EU residents, the situation that arose after the start of the full-scale war had an entirely different dimension compared to the migration crisis of 2015, as it did not concern African or Middle Eastern countries, but rather close neighbours, citizens of a country that had the status of an EU-associated country and openly declared its intentions to integrate into the European Union, explains Polish historian and political scientist Łukasz Adamski. Two main factors, from his words, were strong sympathy from Europeans, and Poles in particular, and the desire to help: - Something similar might have happened in the 1990s after the wars in the Balkans.
The first factor - is that this crisis came from Europe to Europe, the cultural similarity has become very important. The second factor - the lack of purely geographical barriers
Many Ukrainians went to Poland, Slovakia, Hungary - these countries have shared borders with Ukraine. When discussing past migration crises, there has always been a physical barrier - the Mediterranean Sea. And Turkey - a kind of buffer zone, a NATO country that separated Europe from lands where war was waging and where refugees were coming from.
When Ukrainians arrived in EU countries in large numbers at the beginning of the war, none of them called it a crisis. Similarly, such a definition has never been heard in the broader circles of the European Union, notes Başak Yavçan, head of research at the Migration Policy Group in Brussels.
- There can be many reasons for this. Political - EU’s active engagement in the conflict due to the Russian threat, social - acceptance of Ukrainian refugees’ cultural similarity, and also organisational - immediate growth of capacities and solidarity networks for better settlement of the refugees after arrival. And we see that crisis discourse only really appears when there is a management crisis.
Additionally, the reaction of countries that accepted Ukrainians showed what the EU is capable of when it is willing to do something. This has also affected the advancement of integration policies of the recipient countries, especially in Central and Eastern Europe. Even though these countries have been accepting refugees very reluctantly in the past, they turned out to be quite hospitable towards refugees from Ukraine. This deserves praise but obviously leaves a lot to be desired. If such policies only apply to certain groups of people, they conflict with the equality principles and create double standards towards other groups.
Fascination with Ukrainians that is slowly fading
Immediately after the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the European Commission provided Ukrainians with temporary protection - a unique legal mechanism that gives Ukrainians the rights to residence and employment, social services and freedom of travel within the EU. The Europeans have opened this mechanism for the first time for Ukrainians, and it was a very successful idea, says an immigration lawyer, officer of the Armed Forces of Ukraine Oleksii Skorbach:
- If we are talking about the refugee status or additional protection that exists in Europe, then those are individual protection options. Meaning the person arrives individually, and their documents, story and country are inspected. And the individual has to undergo a slow and difficult process of explaining personally to foreign officials that they are being persecuted or are in danger at home.
All this is not needed for temporary protection. The sole objective situation in the country the person has fled from already proves the danger. And what is important, temporary protection is provided en masse, meaning one does not have to prove individual endangerment. In this way, countless formalities are put aside, as in such global catastrophes or occupation, the person is often not able to collect the necessary amount of documents or even take their belongings with them. This is why this mechanism is a huge advantage and is genuinely a sign of democracy since it is designed for large numbers of people forced to flee from objective threats.
Although temporary protection has its technicalities - primarily it does not provide subsequent legalisation in the residence country.
At the same time, the EU is interested in the most effective integration of Ukrainians possible. Here too there is a difference between the perception of Ukrainian citizens and emigrants from other countries, says Başak Yavçan, head of the Migration Policy Group in Brussels, referring to research data collected by their centre:
- Ukrainians are considered to be more integrated, their integration policies are more supported - and generally they are more supported. And their relationships with the community that accepted them are assessed as better compared to refugees from non-EU countries.
Although it is not only about Ukrainians themselves in this case, Başak Yavçan notes and reveals an interesting conclusion of her research:
The more effective the local integration policies are, the more favourable attitude towards refugees the people in the communities have
Therefor, the effective reaction mechanisms for refugees’ problems form an overall better attitude towards them.
At the beginning of the full-scale war, there was a massive wave of solidarity with Ukraine, it could even be labelled as Ukrainophilia, believes the Polish historian and politologist Łukasz Adamski. Everyone sympathised, everyone wanted to help. Now the understanding remains that people had to leave Ukraine due to Putin’s criminal war, and we need to help, but the longer the war continues, and the longer the Ukrainians stay abroad, the more mundane problems there are: - In Poland, for example, if you ask average Poles (and it is stated in various social surveys) they often say that they lack gratitude from Ukrainians and that they do not like the attitude of «You must do something for us, you must give us something». It is hard for me to judge how justified these claims are, but this general opinion comes from sociology.
The protection does not have retroactive effect
At the same time, Lukasz Adamski is convinced that despite all the similar sociological data and occasional public discontent, both the EU in general and Poland in particular have the resources and willingness to help Ukrainians if the security or energy situation worsens and the EU receives a new wave of migrants from Ukraine: - I try not to be overly optimistic, but it seems to me that there is a readiness to help here. Firstly, we all understand that it will not be a massive wave; even if it happens, it will be at the level of one, two, or three million Ukrainians, and both the EU and Poland can manage it. There is also a belief that the Ukrainian state will endure even under difficult conditions and that the Ukrainian population will be able to survive the winter. Moreover:
I would say that Ukrainians - are perfect migrants, and they do not create threats
In this context, in Łukasz Adamski’s opinion, it is rather Ukraine that is facing a threat, as a new wave of migration can undermine the inner Ukrainian endurance and add to the number of problems within - since someone has to work for the army to be able to fight.
Additionally, Ukraine has been urging EU countries for several months to consider ways to facilitate the return of Ukrainian men to their native land. Consultations regarding those who left illegally are ongoing, as stated by Ukraine's Minister of Internal Affairs, Ihor Klymenko, in an interview with Radio Liberty at the end of June.
Ukraine can make any appeals and proposals to the European Union, explaining that we lack people, however, there is international law that prohibits returning people to countries where events threatening their safety are taking place, emphasises Oleksii Skorbach, an immigration lawyer and officer of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.
- Men of conscription age have a constitutional duty to defend their country, but this duty pertains to Ukraine. When it comes to another country, the question arises: why should that country decide for them how they should fulfil their constitutional duty to Ukraine?
There is a rule that you may choose not to provide protection from the outset, but if you have already granted it, it should not have retroactive effect. The cancellation of such protection could turn out to be a much bigger problem
Because all these people received temporary protection precisely because there is a danger in our country. The question is how to address this issue if the danger has not disappeared? Photos from Shutterstock
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